arctically, adv.
/ahrk"tik/ or, esp. for 7, /ahr"tik/, adj.
1. (often cap.) of, pertaining to, or located at or near the North Pole: the arctic region.
2. coming from the North Pole or the arctic region: an arctic wind.
3. characteristic of the extremely cold, snowy, windy weather north of the Arctic Circle; frigid; bleak: an arctic winter.
4. suitable for use in the arctic: arctic boots.
5. extremely cold in manner, atmosphere, etc.: a look of arctic disdain.
6. (often cap.) the region lying north of the Arctic Circle or of the northernmost limit of tree growth; the polar area north of the timber line.
7. arctics, warm, waterproof overshoes.
[1350-1400; < L arcticus < Gk arktikós northern, lit., of the Bear, equiv. to árkt(os) bear (see URSA MAJOR) + -ikos -IC; r. ME artik < MF artique < L]

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(as used in expressions)

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 northernmost region of the Earth, centred on the North Pole and characterized by distinctively polar conditions of climate, plant and animal life, and other physical features. The term is derived from the Greek arktos (“bear”), referring to the northern constellation of the Bear. It has sometimes been used to designate the area within the Arctic Circle—a mathematical line that is drawn at latitude 66°30′ N, marking the southern limit of the zone in which there is at least one annual period of 24 hours during which the sun does not set and one during which it does not rise. This line, however, is without value as a geographic boundary, since it is not keyed to the nature of the terrain.

      While no dividing line is completely definitive, a generally useful guide is the irregular line marking the northernmost limit of the stands of trees. The regions north of the tree line include Greenland (Kalaallit Nunaat), Svalbard, and other polar islands; the northern parts of the mainlands of Siberia, Alaska, and Canada; the coasts of Labrador; the north of Iceland; and a strip of the Arctic coast of Europe. The last-named area, however, is classified as subarctic because of other factors.

      Conditions typical of Arctic lands are extreme fluctuations between summer and winter temperatures; permanent snow and ice in the high country and grasses, sedges, and low shrubs in the lowlands; and permanently frozen ground (permafrost), the surface layer of which is subject to summer thawing. Three-fifths of the Arctic terrain is outside the zones of permanent ice. The brevity of the Arctic summer is partly compensated by the long daily duration of summer sunshine.

      International interest in the Arctic and subarctic regions has steadily increased during the 20th century, particularly since World War II. Three major factors are involved: the advantages of the North Pole route as a shortcut between important centres of population, the growing realization of economic potentialities such as mineral (especially petroleum) and forest resources and grazing areas, and the importance of the regions in the study of global meteorology.

Physical geography

The land
      The Arctic lands have developed geologically around four nuclei of ancient crystalline rocks. The largest of these, the Canadian Shield, underlies all the Canadian Arctic except for part of the Queen Elizabeth Islands. It is separated by Baffin Bay from a similar shield area that underlies most of Greenland. The Baltic (or Scandinavian) Shield, centred on Finland, includes all of northern Scandinavia (except the Norwegian coast) and the northwestern corner of Russia. The two other blocks are smaller. The Angaran Shield is exposed between the Khatanga and Lena rivers in north-central Siberia and the Aldan Shield is exposed in eastern Siberia.

      In the sectors between the shields, there have been long periods of marine sedimentation (marine sediment), and consequently the shields are partly buried. In some areas thick sediments were subsequently folded, thus producing mountains, many of which have since been destroyed by erosion. Two main orogenies (orogeny) (mountain-building periods) have been recognized in the Arctic. In Paleozoic (Paleozoic Era) times (570 to 245 million years ago) there developed a complex mountain system that includes both Caledonian and Hercynian elements. It extends from the Queen Elizabeth Islands through Peary Land and along the east coast of Greenland. Mountain building occurred during the same period in Svalbard, Novaya Zemlya, the northern Urals, the Taymyr Peninsula, and Severnaya Zemlya. There is considerable speculation as to how these mountains are linked beneath the sea. The second orogeny occurred during the Mesozoic (Mesozoic Era) (245 to 66.4 million years ago) and Cenozoic (Cenozoic Era) (66.4 million years ago to the present) eras. These mountains survive in northeastern Siberia and Alaska. Horizontal or lightly warped sedimentary rocks cover part of the shield in northern Canada, where they are preserved in basins and troughs. Sedimentary rocks are even more extensive in northern Russia and in western and central Siberia, where they range in age from Early Paleozoic to Quaternary (1.6 million years ago to the present).

      It is evident that the polar landmasses have been transported on lithospheric plates (plate tectonics) through geologic time and that their positions relative to each other and to the North Pole have changed, with significant modification to ocean circulation and to climate. Motion of plates in the Tertiary Period (66.4 to 1.6 million years ago) led to igneous activity in two regions. One was associated with mountain building around the North Pacific, and active volcanoes are still found in Kamchatka, the Aleutian Islands, and Alaska. The other area of igneous activity extended across the North Atlantic and included the whole of Iceland, Jan Mayen Island, and east Greenland south of Scoresby Sound; it was probably connected to west Greenland north of Disko Bay and to east Baffin Island. Volcanism continues in Iceland and on Jan Mayen, and hot springs are found in Greenland.

Continental ice sheets of the past
      Little is known about the climate of the northern lands in early Tertiary times; it is possible that the tree line was at least 1,000 miles farther north than at present. During the Tertiary, however, the polar lands became cooler and permanent land ice formed, first in the Alaskan mountain ranges and subsequently, by the end of the Pliocene (5.3 to 1.6 million years ago), in Greenland. By the onset of the Quaternary Period (Quaternary), glaciers were widespread in northern latitudes. Throughout the Quaternary, continental-scale ice sheets expanded and decayed on at least eight occasions in response to major climatic oscillations in high latitudes. Detailed information available for the final glaciation (80,000 to 10,000 years ago) indicates that in North America the main ice sheet developed on Baffin Island and swept south and west across Canada, amalgamating with smaller glaciers to form the Laurentide Ice Sheet, covering much of the continent between the Atlantic Ocean and the Rocky Mountains and between the Arctic Ocean and the Ohio and Missouri river valleys. A smaller ice cap formed in the Western Cordillera. The northern margin of the ice lay along the Brooks Range (excluding the Yukon Basin) and across the southern islands of the Canadian Archipelago. To the north the Queen Elizabeth Islands supported small, probably thin, ice caps. Glacier ice from Greenland crossed Nares Strait to reach Ellesmere Island during maximum glaciation.

      The Atlantic Arctic islands were covered with ice except where isolated mountain peaks (nunataks (nunatak)) projected through the ice. In Europe the Scandinavian Ice Sheet covered most of northern Europe between Severnaya Zemlya in Russia and the British Isles. Northeastern Siberia escaped heavy glaciation, although, as in northern Canada, the ice sheet had been more extensive in an earlier glaciation.

      As the ice sheets melted, unique landforms developed by the ice were revealed. Although not restricted to the present Arctic, they are often prominent there and, in the absence of forests, are clearly visible. In areas of crystalline rocks, including large parts of the northern Canadian Shield and Finland, the ice left disarranged drainage and innumerable lakes. In the lowlands deep glacial deposits filled eroded surfaces and produced a smoother landscape, often broken by low ridges and hills of glacial material, drumlins, rogen (ribbed) moraines, and eskers. In the uplands the characteristic glacial landforms are U-shaped valleys. Near the polar coasts these have been submerged to produce fjords, which are well developed in southern Alaska, along the east coast of Canada, around Greenland, in east and west Iceland, along the coast of Norway, and on many of the Arctic islands.

      Because of their enormous weight, continental ice sheets depress the Earth's crust. As the ice sheets melted at the close of the Pleistocene Epoch (1,600,000 to 10,000 years ago), the land slowly recovered its former altitude, but before this was completed the sea flooded the coastal areas. Subsequent emergence has elevated marine beaches and sediments to considerable heights in many parts of the Arctic, where their origin is easily recognized from the presence of marine shells, the skeletons of sea mammals, and driftwood. The highest strandlines are found 500 to 900 feet above contemporary sea level in many parts of the western and central Canadian Arctic and somewhat lower along the Baffin Bay and Labrador coasts. Comparable emergence is found on Svalbard, Greenland, the northern Urals, and on the Franz Josef Archipelago, where it reaches more than 1,500 feet. In many emerged lowlands, such as those south and west of Hudson Bay, the raised beaches are the most conspicuous features in the landscape, forming hundreds of low, dry, gravel ridges in the otherwise ill-drained plains. Emergence is still continuing, and in parts of northern Canada and northern Sweden uplift of two to three feet a century has occurred during the historical period. In contrast, a few Arctic coasts, notably around the Beaufort Sea, are experiencing submergence at the present time.

      Polar continental shelves in areas that escaped glaciation during the ice ages were exposed during periods of low sea level, especially in the Bering Strait and Sea (Beringia), which facilitated migration of people to North America from Asia, and in the Laptev and East Siberian seas.

 Although the detail of the terrain in many parts of the Arctic is directly attributable to the Pleistocene glaciations, the major physiographic divisions reveal close correlation with geologic structure. The two largest shield areas, the Canadian and the Baltic, have developed similar landscapes. West of Hudson Bay, in southwestern Baffin Island, and in Karelia the land is low and rocky with countless lakes and disjointed drainage. Uplands, generally 1,000 to 2,000 feet above sea level and partially covered with glacial deposits, are more widely distributed. They form the interior of Quebec-Labrador and parts of the Northwest Territories in Canada, and the Lapland Plateau in northern Scandinavia. The eastern rim of the Canadian Shield in Canada from Labrador to Ellesmere Island has been raised by crustal changes and then dissected by glaciers to produce fjords that separate mountain peaks more than 6,000 feet high. The surface of the shield in Greenland has the shape of an elongated basin, with the central part, which is below sea level, buried beneath the Greenland ice cap. Around the margins, on the east and west coasts, the mountainous rim is penetrated by deep troughs through which local and inland-ice glaciers flow to the sea. The mountains are highest in the east, where they exceed 10,000 feet.

      In shield areas where sedimentary rocks mantle the crystalline variety, as in north-central Siberia, the southern sector of the Canadian archipelago, and Peary Land, the topography varies from plains to plateaus, with the latter deeply dissected by narrow valleys. Far beyond the margins of the shields, extensive plains have evolved on soft sedimentary rocks. In North America these form the Mackenzie Lowlands, Banks and Prince Patrick islands, and the Arctic Plains section of northern Alaska; in northern Europe they form the Severnaya Dvina and Pechora Plains. In Siberia the Ob delta, its northeastern extension to the Laptev Sea, the North Siberian Lowland, the West Siberian Plain, and farther east the Lena-Kolyma plains (including the New Siberian Islands) have also developed on sedimentary rocks. Although there are differences in degree, these terrains are essentially flat, occasionally broken by low rock scarps, and covered with numerous shallow lakes. The plains are crossed by large rivers that have laid down deep alluvial deposits.

      The strongly folded rocks associated with the two orogenic periods in the Arctic form separate physiographic regions. The original mountains of the older, Paleozoic folding were long ago destroyed by erosion, but the rocks have been elevated in recent geologic time, and renewed erosion, often by ice, has produced a landscape of plateaus, hills, and mountains very similar to the higher parts of the shields. In Ellesmere Island the mountains are nearly 10,000 feet high. In Peary Land and Spitsbergen maximum elevations are about 6,000 feet, while in eastern Svalbard and on Novaya Zemlya and Severnaya Zemlya the uplands rarely exceed 2,000 feet. The younger groups of fold mountains of northeast Siberia and Alaska are generally higher. Peaks of 10,000 feet are found in the Chersky Mountains, 15,000 feet in Kamchatka, and even higher in southern Alaska. Characteristic of this physiographic division are wide intermontane basins drained by large rivers, including the Yukon and Kolyma.

      Throughout the Arctic, excluding a few maritime areas, the winter cold is so intense that the ground remains permanently frozen except for a shallow upper zone, called the active layer, which thaws during the brief summer. Permanently frozen ground ( permafrost) covers nearly one-quarter of the Earth's surface. In northern Alaska and Canada scattered observations suggest that permafrost is 800 to 1,500 feet deep; it is generally deeper in northern Siberia. The deepest known permafrost is in northern Siberia, where it exceeds 2,000 feet. The depth of the permafrost depends on the site, climate, vegetation, and recent history of the area, particularly whether it was covered by sea or glacier ice. Very deep permafrost was probably formed in unglaciated areas during the extreme cold of the ice ages. To the south in the subarctic, the permafrost thins and eventually becomes discontinuous, although locally it may still be 200 to 400 feet thick; along its southern boundary, permafrost survives under peat and in muskeg. In areas of continuous permafrost the active layer may be many feet thick in sandy well-drained soils with little vegetation but is usually less than six inches thick beneath peat.

      Permafrost occurs in both bedrock and surface deposits. It has little effect in most rocks, but in fine-grained, unconsolidated sediments, particularly silts, lenses of ice, called ground ice, grow by migration of moisture, and in extreme cases half the volume of Arctic silts may be ice. Ground ice is often exposed in riverbanks and sea cliffs, where it may be 20 to 30 feet thick. In northern Siberia fossil ice has been reported up to 200 feet thick, although it may be glacier or lake ice that has subsequently been buried under river deposits. If ground ice melts, owing to a change in climate, hollows develop on the surface and quickly fill with water to form lakes and ponds. When frozen the silts have considerable strength, but if they thaw they change in volume, lose their strength, and may turn to mud. Variations in volume and bearing capacity of the ground due to changes in the permafrost constitute one of the major problems in Arctic construction.

Drainage and soils
      Continuous permafrost inhibits underground drainage. Consequently, shallow lakes are numerous over large areas of the Arctic, and everywhere in early summer there is a wet period before the saturated upper layers of the ground dry out. During the summer waterlogged active layers on slopes may flow downhill over the frozen ground, a phenomenon known as solifluction. It is ubiquitous in the Arctic but is particularly intense where the soils are fine-grained, as in the coastal plain of northern Alaska, or where the precipitation is heavy, as on Bear Island in the Norwegian Sea. The effect of solifluction is to grade slopes so that long, smooth profiles are common; slopes are normally covered with vegetation, but if the soil movement is too rapid plants may not be able to survive. Under these conditions the surface material is often graded, with narrow strips of pebbles and boulders separated by broader strips of finer particles.

      The surface of many soils in northern areas show distinctive patterns produced by complex processes of freezing and thawing, which cause frost heaving and sorting of debris; although permafrost is not essential to these formations, it is usually present. There are many different types of patterned ground. In some, coarser material, pebbles, and boulders form polygonal nets, with the finer materials concentrated in the centre. When sorting is widely spaced, stone circles develop. Another variety of pattern, formed in sands and muds, is outlined by frost-crack fissures or strips of vegetation. Individual polygons vary from about 1 foot to more than 300 feet in diameter. Mounds due to frost heaving in the soil also are widespread. They grow rapidly, disrupting leveled fields in a few years and limiting the use of farm machinery for haying. Elsewhere, notably in the Mackenzie valley and in parts of Alaska, removal of the natural vegetation—and, in isolated cases, plowing—has modified the soil climate. The ground ice has thawed, leading to disruption of drainage. Where the ice was wedge-shaped and in polygonal patterns, soil mounds several feet high may result. All Arctic terrains are sensitive to human-induced thermal disturbance, especially by vehicular traffic or oil-pipeline operations, and the preservation of the original soil climate is of great environmental importance.

      The largest ice-covered mounds, which may reach 200 feet in height, are known in North America as pingos. Although they are widely distributed in the Arctic and subarctic, major concentrations are restricted to the Mackenzie delta, the Arctic slope of Alaska, and coastal areas near the deltas of the Ob, Lena, and Indigirka rivers. Submarine landforms resembling pingos are found beneath the Beaufort Sea.

      Arctic soils are closely related to vegetation. Unlike soils farther south, they rarely develop strong zonal characteristics. By far the most common are the tundra soils, which are circumpolar in distribution. They are badly drained and strongly acid and have a variable, undecomposed organic layer over mineral horizons. Some of the drier heath and grassland tundras overlie Arctic brown soils, which have a dark-brown upper horizon with gray and yellowish brown lower horizons. The active layer in the permafrost is normally deep in them.

      Many exposed rock surfaces in the Arctic have been broken up by frost action so that the bedrock is buried under a cover of angular shattered boulders. These mantles are known as felsenmeer (German: “sea of rock”) and are found principally on Arctic uplands. Their continuity and depth varies with climate, vegetation, and rock type, but they may be as much as 12 feet deep. Felsenmeer are especially well-developed on basalts and are consequently numerous on the basaltic Icelandic plateaus. They also develop quickly on sedimentary rocks and are widespread in the Canadian Arctic, where they occur down to sea level.

Present-day glaciation
 Although the Arctic is commonly thought to be largely ice-covered, less than two-fifths of its land surface in fact supports permanent ice. The remainder is ice-free because of either relatively warm temperatures or scant snowfall. Glaciers are formed when the annual accumulation of snow, rime, and other forms of solid precipitation exceeds that removed by summer melting. The excess snow is converted slowly into glacier ice, the rate depending on the temperature and annual accumulation of snow. In the Arctic, where most glaciers have temperatures far below the freezing point, the snow changes into ice slowly. In northwestern Greenland a hole 1,400 feet deep was drilled into the ice sheet without reaching glacier ice. The hole showed more than 800 annual snow layers, from which it was possible to determine precipitation changes for the past eight centuries. An ice core 4,560 feet deep was recovered in the mid-1960s from Camp Century in northwestern Greenland, and a core 6,683 feet deep from Dye 3, southeastern Greenland, was recovered in 1981. The ice cores have been analyzed for paleoclimatic and paleoatmospheric information covering the 100,000 years since the last interglacial.

      The elevation at which accumulation and melting of glacier ice are equal is known as the equilibrium line and is roughly equivalent to the snow line. It frequently varies greatly over short distances and from year to year on a specific glacier. On Baffin Island the equilibrium line is a little more than 2,000 feet above sea level in the extreme southeast, rising to more than 4,500 feet in the Penny Ice Cap 300 miles to the north and descending to about 2,000 feet in the north of the island. In Greenland the line is at about 6,000 feet in the south and decreases irregularly to about 3,300 feet in the north. The summits of some ice caps are well below the snow line, but they continue to survive because of their low internal temperatures; the winter snowfall melts completely but refreezes in contact with the cold ice before flowing off the glacier. This phenomenon, first observed on the Barnes Ice Cap of Baffin Island, is now known to be widespread in the high Arctic.

      The glaciers of the north polar regions can be divided into two groups depending on the source of their snow. The larger group is around the North Atlantic and its marginal seas; the smaller is nourished by moisture from the North Pacific Ocean. The largest ice sheet, the Greenland Inland Ice (Greenland Ice Sheet), is second in area only to the Antarctic Ice Sheet. It extends about 1,570 miles from north to south and has a maximum width of some 600 miles and an average thickness of about 5,800 feet, reaching 11,000 feet in the middle of the island. It covers an area of more than 650,000 square miles, nearly 80 percent of Greenland, and is contained within a basin by the mountains around the margins. In the northern interior the base of the ice is 1,000 feet below sea level. This discovery has led to the suggestion that Greenland is an archipelago rather than one large island. Although this might be so for a short time if the ice melted, the land would soon rise when the ice mass disappeared, forming an upland surface with an elevation of about 3,000 feet.

 Mountains project through the ice sheet near the edges, while the interior is composed of smooth, gently rolling snowfields, often covered with wind-drifted formations called sastrugi. The surface of the ice sheet slopes downward to the sides, reaching the sea in a 240-mile front along Melville Bay in the northwest. Elsewhere, outlet glaciers pour out through fjords between the marginal mountains, particularly at Disko and Umarrak bays in the west and in the southeast. Where the ice calves into the sea, it produces vast numbers of icebergs. Those in the northwest cross Baffin Bay and are carried south in the Labrador Current to the Atlantic shipping lanes.

      There are three major ice-free zones in Greenland: in the southwest, where the inland ice is separated by 100 miles from Davis Strait; north of Scoresby Sound in the east; and in Peary Land in the north.

Other glacier groups
      In Arctic Canada glacier ice is restricted, with few exceptions, to the northeast as a consequence of the greater relief and precipitation around Baffin Bay and Davis Strait. The most southerly ice is found in the Torngat Mountains of northern Labrador, where there are small cirque glaciers at the base of the mountains. Immediately north of Hudson Strait on the plateau south of Frobisher Bay, there are two small ice caps. Larger ice caps and highland ice (through which mountains project) are present farther north along the east of Baffin Island and on Bylot Island; only the Barnes Ice Cap lies west of the coastal group. North of Lancaster Sound the ice is more extensive, and large parts of Devon, Ellesmere, and Axel Heiberg islands are glacierized. In many ways these ice caps are small versions of the Greenland Inland Ice, with a central dome-shaped section and outlet glaciers flowing through the mountains toward the sea. The ice cap on Meighen Island, the most westerly of the group, is an exception, as it is circular in shape and lies on low ground. Except for three small glaciers on Melville Island, there are no glaciers in the Canadian western Arctic. Few Canadian glaciers reach the sea and form icebergs. In the Arctic Ocean off northwestern Ellesmere Island there is an area of floating shelf ice that may at one time have been joined by glaciers, but the glaciers no longer reach the sea. This shelf ice has been the principal source of the ice islands of the Arctic Ocean.

      Other glaciers are found north and east of the Atlantic Ocean and its continuation in the Norwegian and Barents seas. Iceland has five major ice caps, the largest of which, Vatna Glacier (Vatnajökull), covers more than 3,000 square miles. All have small outlet glaciers, although none reaches the sea. The ice caps owe their survival to heavy snowfall. The western part of Vatna Glacier buries a volcano, Grímsvötn (Gríms Depression), which erupts every 6 to 10 years; the heat of the eruption forms a subglacial lake that bursts in great floods over the margins of the glacier.

      North of Iceland, Jan Mayen Island supports a glacier on the volcano Mount Beeren. The glaciers of Svalbard cover about 90 percent of the land. On the largest island, Spitsbergen, the plateaus are covered with highland ice from which outlet glaciers reach the sea; there are also numerous independent valley and cirque glaciers. North East Land, the second largest island, supports two ice caps on its plateaus. On the east side of the Norwegian Sea, precipitation is heavy over the Scandinavian highlands, but temperatures are also high, and the total area of ice is only about 2,000 square miles, a small part of which is in northern Sweden and the remainder in Norway. To the northeast beyond the Barents Sea, precipitation is less, but the summer is shorter and permanent ice is widespread.

      Farthest north in this group are the islands of the Franz Josef archipelago (Franz Josef Land). Although at no point are they higher than 2,500 feet, probably more than 90 percent of their area is covered with ice; some of the smaller islands are completely buried by glaciers. The southern island of Novaya Zemlya supports a few small glaciers; on the northern island they are more numerous, and the northern four-fifths of the island is ice-covered, with large outlet glaciers reaching the sea. Cyclonic depressions penetrate from the Barents Sea into the Kara Sea beyond Novaya Zemlya and produce sufficient snow for glaciers to form on Severnaya Zemlya. There are four major and many minor islands in the group. Although they are low-lying, consisting primarily of plateaus less than 2,000 feet high, all the larger islands have ice caps that cover less than half the total area. Outlet glaciers reach the sea and are an occasional source of icebergs. Elsewhere the Russian northern areas are remarkably free of glacier ice. Small cirque glaciers are found in the northern Ural Mountains and the Byrranga Mountains of the Taymyr Peninsula.

      The glaciers around the North Pacific are concentrated in Alaska. The glaciers of southern Alaska are Alpine rather than Arctic and include some of the most spectacular mountain glaciers in the world. All types of ice are present, from small valley glaciers to highland ice that almost buries mountain ranges, with piedmont glaciers spreading out in the lowlands. The largest ice fields are around the Fairweather Range, the St. Elias Mountains, and the Chugach Mountains. Glaciers in these areas include the Hubbard, 90 miles long, intermontane glaciers such as the Seward, and piedmont glaciers such as the Malaspina. Smaller glaciers also occur inland on the Alaska Range and in the Brooks Range of northern Alaska; there is more ice farther east in the Romanzof Mountains, where one glacier, the Okailak, is 10 miles long, and in a similar situation in the Selwyn and Ogilvie mountains of Canada's Yukon Territory. There are a few small glaciers in the Aleutian Range and on the Aleutian Islands. On the northwest side of the Pacific basin there are small glaciers in the East Siberian Mountains and on the volcanic peaks of the Kamchatka Peninsula.

      The overwhelming majority of Arctic glaciers for which precise data are available have experienced negative mass balances (i.e., reduction in mass) in the 20th century broken only by temporary cool phases in the 1960s and '70s. The effect has been a general retreat of glacier fronts and thinning of ice around the margins. The Greenland Inland Ice may be an important exception to this generalization.

      In Iceland, where glacier fluctuations are well recorded, the ice appears to have been restricted from the 10th until about the 16th century. The ice then advanced, reaching a maximum about 1750. A second advance followed a minor retreat, culminating about 1850, and a major retreat set in about 1890. The recession was slow at first, but by the 1930s it was generally rapid and has continued since, except locally for a brief interruption in the 1970s.

      The climates of polar lands vary greatly depending on their latitude, proximity of the sea, elevation, and topography; even so, they all share certain “polar” characteristics. Owing to the high latitudes, solar energy is limited to the summer months. Although it may be considerable, its effectiveness in raising surface temperatures is restricted by the high reflectivity of snow and ice. Only in the central polar basin does the annual net radiation fall below zero. In winter, radiative cooling at the surface is associated with extreme cold, but, at heights a few thousand feet above the surface, temperatures as much as 20° to 30° F (11° to 17° C) warmer can often be found. Temperature inversions such as this occur more than 90 percent of the time in midwinter in northwestern Siberia and over much of the Polar Basin. They also are common over the Greenland Ice Cap and in the sheltered mountain valleys of the Yukon and Yakutia. The lowest surface temperature ever recorded in North America was observed at Snag, Yukon Territory (-81° F, -63° C), and even lower temperatures have been observed in Yakutia (-90° F, -68° C) and northern Greenland (-94° F, -70° C).

      It has been customary to divide polar climates into two large groups, those corresponding to the climate of ice caps, in which no mean monthly temperature exceeds 32° F (0° C), and the tundra climates, with at least one month above 32° F but no month above 50° F (10° C). A more satisfactory division is to classify them as polar maritime climates, located principally on the northern islands and the adjacent coasts of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, in which winter temperatures are rarely extremely low and snowfall is high; and the polar continental climates, as in northern Alaska, Canada, and Siberia, where winters are intensely cold and snowfall is generally light. Included in the polar continental climate type are the islands of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago, which are influenced only slightly by the sea in winter because of thick, unbroken sea ice. In addition to these two climates, there are smaller transitional zones, limited areas of “ice” climates, the climate of the polar basin, and, on the south side of the tree line, the subarctic climates.

      In the polar continental areas, winter sets in toward the end of August in the far north and about a month later nearer the tree line. Temperatures continue to drop rapidly until about December. January, February, and early March have uniform conditions with mean temperatures about -35° F (-37° C) in the central Siberian Arctic and -30° to -20° F (-34° to -29° C) in North America. The lowest extreme temperatures in the winter are between -65° and -50° F (-54° and -46° C). A better indication of low temperatures as they affect humans is given by the windchill, a measurement of the cooling power of the atmosphere on human skin. It reaches a maximum north of Hudson Bay, where strong and persistent northwest winds, typical of the Canadian eastern Arctic, are combined with low air temperatures. This area is stormy in winter, with moderately high snowfall (50 to 100 inches [1,300 to 2,500 millimetres]), rapidly changing temperatures, and even occasional rain. Elsewhere the winter continental climate is quiet, with long periods of clear sky and low snowfall. Visibility may be poor locally if there are open channels of water in the sea ice, and it is universally reduced when the wind blows drifting snow. The lowest snowfall is in the polar deserts of the northern Canadian islands and northern Greenland, where the total annual precipitation is frequently less than the equivalent of four inches of water.

      Winter in the maritime Arctic (the Aleutians, coastal southwestern Greenland, Iceland, and the European Arctic) is a period of storminess, high winds, heavy precipitation in the form of either snow or rain (the latter at sea level), and moderate temperatures. The mean temperature of the coldest month is rarely below 20° F (-7° C), and extremely low temperatures are unknown.

      Summer temperatures are more uniform across the whole of the Arctic. On the southern margin the monthly mean temperature reaches 50° F (10° C), and in continental situations short spells of hot weather with temperatures in the 80s F (27°–32° C), continuous sunshine, and calm weather are not uncommon; such weather often ends with thunderstorms. In the maritime climates, along the coasts, and on the northern islands when there is open water in the sea ice, the summer is relatively cool. In the south the temperatures are about 45° F (7° C), decreasing north to 40° F (4° C) or less; a maximum of 60° F (16° C) is hardly ever reached except at the heads of fjords as in southwestern Greenland, where marine influences are less marked. Fog and low clouds are widespread in maritime areas, and at this time of the year these areas are the cloudiest in the world. In lands that experience continental winters, precipitation is heaviest during the summer months; light rain and snow showers are frequent, but the average fall is low. The summer is everywhere a time of sudden changes. Calm, clear weather with sunshine and temperatures of about 50° F (10° C) will be followed by sudden winds, often causing a temperature drop of 20° to 30° F (11° to 17° C) and accompanied by cloud and fog.

      Frost-free and growing periods are relatively short throughout the Arctic. For the most part there is no true frost-free period; frost and some snow have been recorded in every month of the year. At a few places near the tree line, notably in the Canadian western Arctic, the frost-free period may be the same as the less favourable parts of the prairies.

      South of the tree line in the subarctic, differences between continental (Mackenzie Basin, interior Yukon, and Alaska and northeastern Siberia) and oceanic (northern Quebec-Labrador, northern Scandinavia, and northern Russia) situations are marked. A summer maximum of precipitation and frequent high summer temperatures (July means exceeding 60° F [16° C] in northeastern Siberia) in the continental regions contrast with heavier precipitation, often with a fall maximum, and lower summer temperatures in the oceanic regions.

      The central polar ocean, together with the Beaufort and East Siberian seas, have winters comparable to northern Alaska and northeastern Siberia. Conditions are stable for extended periods of low wind velocities, clear skies—especially bordering Siberia—and temperatures ranging from -20° to -40° F (-30° to -40° C). Occasional storms originating in the Barents and Bering seas may penetrate the adjacent sectors of the polar basin and bring a temporary rise in temperature accompanied by snow or blowing snow. There is a negligible area (less than 1 percent) of open water in the central polar basin in winter; by April, air temperatures are rising until in June melting of the snow and underlying sea ice begins. Mean summer temperatures fail to rise above 34° F (1° C) and are accompanied by almost continuous low cloud cover and fog.

      The only extensive ice climate in the Northern Hemisphere is in Greenland. In the south the climate of the inland ice cap has maritime characteristics with heavy precipitation, mainly snow from passing cyclone disturbances. In the centre and north a continental situation develops, and the snowfall is less. Although the air temperature may sometimes rise to 32° F (0° C), the mean temperature is much lower than in the south. Strong winds blowing off the ice cap are common in all parts of the island.

      The evidence from glacier fluctuations suggests significant climatic change in polar latitudes in the past millennium. The first half of the 20th century saw climatic amelioration in the Arctic, with higher temperatures found particularly in winter and especially around the Norwegian Sea. In general, the magnitude of the warming increased with latitude, and in Svalbard winter temperatures rose by 14° F (8° C). Associated with climatic changes were a radical reduction of sea ice around Svalbard and off southwestern Greenland.

      Birds, animals, and especially fish appeared farther north than before; in Greenland this led to a change in the economy, as its traditional dependence on seals yielded to dependence on fishing, particularly cod, which were caught north of the 70th parallel.

      In the early 1940s, however, there was a downturn in polar temperatures. This widespread climatic cooling continued intermittently into the early 1970s. At this time sea ice failed to leave coastal areas in the summer in the eastern Canadian Arctic for the first time in living memory. A reversal of this trend followed in the next two decades, with the most noticeable temperature increases occurring in the lands to the north of the Pacific Ocean and around the Barents and Greenland seas (a change of +2.7° F [+1.5° C] in annual temperatures).

      The underlying cause of the changes is not known, although they result directly from increased penetration of southerly winds into the polar regions.

Plant and animal life
 Two main vegetation zones are found in the polar lands. In the south is the subarctic, formed by the northern subzones of the circumpolar boreal forest. To the north is the Arctic proper, where the vegetation is generally referred to as tundra, from the Finnish word for an open rolling plain; in North America the descriptive term Barren Grounds is frequently applied. The two zones are separated by the tree line, or timberline, defined in this case (the term also applies to the upper limit of arboreal growth at high elevations) as the absolute northern limit of treelike species, although even beyond it the same species may be found in low shrubs and dwarfed forms. The tree line is composed of different species. In Alaska and northwestern Canada white spruce is dominant, while in Labrador-Quebec it is black spruce and occasionally larch. By contrast, in northern Europe and Siberia the tree line is formed by larch, pine, and fir. The tree line is related to summer warmth, which may be correlated closely with tree growth. Alexander Supan found good coincidence between the tree line and the 50° F (10° C) July isotherm, a figure later modified by Otto Nordenskjöld to allow for spring temperatures.

      In North America the tree line extends from the shores of the Bering Strait along the Brooks Range of Alaska to the Mackenzie River delta and then curves southeastward across the Northwest Territories to Churchill and James Bay. East of Hudson Bay it crosses northern Quebec to Ungava Bay and then continues into Labrador. In western Scandinavia the tree line is within a few miles of the sea; it curves east and crosses northern Siberia 50 to 150 miles south of the Arctic Ocean.

      Arctic plants must contend with a harsh environment including low temperatures, continuous daylight in summer, infertile and often mobile soil and permanently frozen ground, and in many areas strong, dry winds and blowing snow. The species that survive are few and are frequently dwarfed. Many plants grow in compact cushions for maximum protection from the climate. The growing season is so short that annuals are rare and perennials reproduce asexually by shoots or runners. Even so, Arctic plants have a rapid seasonal life cycle. Spring growth often begins when snow is on the ground and there are still heavy frosts; the flower and seed stages follow in a period as short as six weeks. The sudden blooming of flowers is spectacular, particularly along the southern edges of the tundra, and for a short time in July the Barren Grounds are covered with a mass of flowers. The species vary but typical are those in the western American Arctic, which include the blue-spiked lupine, wild crocus, mountain avens, arctic poppy, and saxifrage. By late August the cycle is complete, and the plants are awaiting winter.

      At first sight many parts of the Arctic are polar deserts without soil or vegetation. Closer inspection shows that some plant life is always present, and even on permanent ice there are often algae. The bare rock surfaces support thin brown, black, or gray crustaceous lichens that swell and become soft when wet; some of the larger black lichens are edible and are generally known as “rock tripe.” In the past these lichens have been used for food by starving explorers. Higher plants grow in rock crevices and succeed in forming tussocks on patches of soil. Close to the southern edge of the Arctic, dwarf shrubs are found in protected sites on these rock deserts.

      Tundra areas have a continuous cover of vegetation, and many different tundra associations (plant communities) may be recognized. In the drier and better-drained parts, heath tundra, made up of a carpet of lichens and mosses with isolated flowering plants, is dominant. In some areas, notably west of Hudson Bay, a similar environment results in tundra grassland. When there is more moisture, sedges and grasses become important and form tussock or hillock tundra; willow and dwarf birch may be found between the individual mounds. This type of tundra reaches its greatest development on the northern Alaskan coastal plain.

      In the warmest parts of the Arctic, woody dwarf shrubs, willow, birch, juniper, and, locally, alder are profuse. In the southern Arctic several of these shrubs modify the heath tundra, and low scrub woods may be extensive. On sheltered, south-facing slopes, tall thickets of willow, birch, and alder develop, and under optimum conditions these bushlike “trees” may be more than 10 feet high. This type of vegetation is common in all circumpolar lands close to the tree line and is conspicuous in the inner fjords of southwestern Greenland and in northern Iceland. The bushes may be used in the western Canadian Arctic by the Eskimo (Inuit) for fuel or for mats, and in former times the wood was made into arrow shafts. It is unsuitable for bows, spears, or boat building; for these purposes the Eskimo either had to travel to the tree line or search for driftwood, which was formerly widely distributed along the Arctic coasts.

      The tundra vegetation is the source of food for the northern grazing mammals but contains few foods of direct value to man. Berries are found throughout the southern Arctic. Most widely used by the native population has been the black crowberry (Empetrum nigrum), eaten either raw or mixed with animal oil. Europeans have found the cloudberry (Rubus chamaemorus), bilberry (Vaccinium uliginosum), and mountain cranberry (V. vitisidaea minus) more palatable. Mushrooms are widely distributed and can be used for a welcome change of diet.

      South of the tree line is the subarctic forest-tundra. Its bare windswept ridges are covered with tundra associations, while in the sheltered valleys there are woodlands, which may become continuous near large rivers and, if the rivers flow north, may penetrate many miles into the Barren Grounds. These areas, known as galeria (gallery) forests, are found along the Coppermine River of Canada and the north Siberian rivers. The woods contain the same coniferous species as forms the tree line, together with several broad-leaved species, notably birch.

J. Brian Bird

Animal life
      Animal life in the Arctic, compared with that of warmer parts, is poor in the number of species but often rich in individual numbers. This is generally considered to be the result of at least two factors: the comparative novelty of polar glacial climates, allowing only a limited time for adaptation since their onset, and the much lesser variety of habitats available for colonization in the north as compared with the lower latitudes.

      The fauna (faunal region) considered in this section is from the true Arctic Zone only. On the land, this is the zone north of the tree line; in the sea, it is the area in which the upper water is of Arctic Ocean origin, without admixture of Atlantic or Pacific water. This excludes most of the west Greenland waters and the waters of west and southern Iceland, the Faeroe Islands, and Norway; it also excludes the Labrador Sea and the waters of the Labrador coast south of Hudson Strait.

Animals of the land and fresh water
   The typical and best-known Arctic land mammals and birds are those highly successful forms, most of them circumpolar in distribution, that survived the Pleistocene glaciations probably both south and north of the ice sheets: south along the ice perimeter and north in ice-free refuges such as northern Alaska, the Bering Strait (then dry land) and northeastern Siberia, certain of the Arctic Islands, and probably northernmost Greenland. These include the polar bear (as much a marine as a terrestrial animal), caribou, arctic wolf, arctic fox, arctic weasel, arctic hare, brown and collared lemmings, ptarmigan, gyrfalcon, and snowy owl. This fauna, together with the vegetation that feeds the lemming, ptarmigan, and caribou, forms a tight ecological system that is virtually self-sufficient. During the winter and during periods of low lemming population, which occur every three to five years, the carnivores make some use of seashore life and (through the agency of the polar bear) of seal and fish. In extreme starvation conditions, there is a tendency for the snowy owls and gyrfalcons to go south in winter and for the foxes and wolves to become scavengers.

 The caribou (reindeer) is a migrant, but only between the Arctic tundra and the conifer (subarctic) zone to the south, and there are far northern groups of caribou whose migrations are more restricted. The musk ox is a special case. Now restricted to the North American Arctic (including northern Greenland), it was formerly more widespread and is probably a “refugee” species, chased into the far north and on the defensive in the evolutionary sense. It has been established domestically in Alaska and western Greenland, on an experimental basis, with promising results.

       hibernation is not possible in the Arctic, because there are no frost-free refuges; all the nonmigrant, warm-blooded animals therefore must remain active all winter. Any incipient hibernation, shown for instance by the arctic ground squirrel, proves abortive, as the animals will shiver themselves awake after only a few days.

      Most of the birds (bird) of the Arctic Zone are migrants (migration), coming from wintering grounds as far away as the southern United States, Central America, Brazil, or even the subantarctic zone. By migration the birds obtain the advantage of the long northern summer days and of the high productive capacity of plant foods in the short but intense growing season. There is increasing evidence that food is not a limiting factor on summer bird populations in the Arctic, except in the case of strictly predaceous species during years of scarcity of prey. Typical land and freshwater birds of the Arctic Zone are the redpoll, Lapland longspur, snowbird, wheatear, pipit, certain plovers and sandpipers, loons, rock ptarmigans, ducks, and geese.

      There are no reptiles in the Arctic Zone, owing to the absence of frost-free winter refuges, but one amphibian, the wood frog, does penetrate just north of the tree line in Arctic Canada. It breeds in July and early August in ponds and small lakes and spends the rest of the year buried in the mud at the bottom. The mud does not freeze, and the frogs are able to breathe through their skin, which the reptiles cannot do.

      Freshwater fishes (fish) are represented by a few species only: whitefish, lake trout and speckled trout, Arctic grayling, two species of stickleback, the Alaskan blackfish, and the arctic char. In some regions the burbot, northern pike, and Atlantic salmon penetrate north of the tree line.

      The invertebrate fauna of the Arctic land and fresh water consists largely of insects, including the chief scourges of the north, mosquitoes and blackflies. Among the most northern navigators are certain species of spiders that winter even in northern Ellesmere Island. Crustacea are represented by the branchiopods, which form an important part of Arctic pond life, and by the copepods. There is, in addition, a very considerable number of smaller species belonging to many phyla.

Marine fauna
 The Arctic Circle, a parallel of latitude, has little value in understanding the distribution and limits of the marine Arctic flora and fauna. Its only significance lies in its relationship to the seasonal behaviour of light, which is of only limited importance and has nothing to do with temperature—which is extremely important—or, in the case of marine fauna, with salinity. The marine Arctic is defined as an area in which the upper layer (650–825 feet) is derived directly from the upper layer of the Arctic Ocean (Central Basin); the subarctic is the region in which Arctic and non-Arctic (Atlantic or Pacific) waters are found in close association or as mixed water. The subarctic marine fauna is much richer than the Arctic fauna, with which this article deals. The Arctic marine fauna is illustrated in terms of the whole ecosystem in the figure—>.

      The fact that mammals are warm-blooded (homoiothermic) was clearly a great advantage when the climate cooled during the Pleistocene glaciations, and even now they dominate the macrofauna. Among the whales (whale), the beluga, or white, whale and the narwhal are Arctic water species. The bowhead, in much depleted numbers, is found in the Beaufort Sea and in Baffin Bay and occasionally in Hudson Bay. Other whales, of worldwide distribution, appear in Arctic water occasionally (blue whale, little finback or lesser rorqual, finback, sperm whale, and killer whale). The killer whale is a fairly frequent visitor. The phocids, or hair seals (seal), are represented principally by the ringed and the bearded seals, typical Arctic species, and by the migrant harp and hooded seals. The harp seal exists in three separate populations, breeding respectively in the Newfoundland region, the White Sea, and the waters south of Jan Mayen on sea ice in March and April. The fur seals (fur seal), which are not strictly Arctic, appear in the North Pacific, breeding in Alaskan and Russian waters. A special ecological place is occupied by the polar bear, which is at home in the sea, on the sea ice, and on land but which is essentially an aquatic animal.

      Fishes are not abundant in the Arctic zone, perhaps owing to the early competition with the homoiotherms. There are probably not more than about 25 species within the zone. The arctic char, an anadromous (river-ascending) migrant, is abundant and circumpolar, and the two small gadids, the polar cod and the arctic cod, are abundant throughout the region, their numbers being as yet only tentatively estimated.

      Marine birds are abundant in summer, all of them migrants except, apparently, for a small proportion of the black guillemot population that winters in the Arctic, using the open water, such as the polynyas, for feeding areas. The seabirds in the true Arctic zone are represented by the auk family (murres, guillemots, auklets, and little auk), the sea duck (eider, scoter, old squaw), the gulls and terns (especially the glaucous and glaucous-winged gulls, many of the herring gull group of species, Sabine's gull, and the common and arctic terns), the jaegers (parasitic, pomarine, and long-tailed), and the waders (sandpipers, etc.). One of the petrel group, the fulmar, breeds on certain Arctic cliffs. The arctic tern, which breeds in the Arctic in the summer, makes a remarkable migration to subantarctic waters, where it winters.

      There is a special ecosystem associated with the sea ice that is based on algae (mainly diatoms) living within the ice itself in considerable concentrations, especially in the lowest few inches. This plant growth supports a food web ranging from worms and copepods to amphipod crustaceans, polar cod, birds, and seals. The algae develop earlier in the season than do the planktonic algae (phytoplankton).

Maxwell John Dunbar

The people (Arctic)

      The Arctic, or circumpolar, peoples are the indigenous inhabitants of the northernmost regions of the world. For the most part, they live beyond the climatic limits of agriculture, drawing a subsistence from hunting, trapping, and fishing or from pastoralism. Thus climatic gradients, rather than simple latitude, determine the effective boundaries of the circumpolar region, and these gradients have their counterparts in the major environmental transitions. Of these transitions, the most important is the tree line, which marks the northern margin of the coniferous forest, or taiga. Between this limit and the coasts of the Arctic Ocean, the land consists of open tundra, though, in regions of high altitude, pockets of tundra lie enclosed within the forest zone.

      Arctic environments are commonly imagined to be barren and inhospitable, habitable only by virtue of the extreme physical endurance and technical virtuosity of the peoples who dwell in them. Though their possession of these qualities is not in doubt, this view of the far north rests on a misconception. The image of the remote wilderness, to be conquered through a struggle for survival, belongs to the language of the alien explorer, not to that of the native. For indigenous people, the circumpolar environment is neither hostile nor forbidding but familiar and generous, offering the gift of livelihood to those who would treat it with consideration and respect.

      Though there are indeed seasons of scarcity, these alternate with periods of extraordinary abundance. The continuous daylight of the warm Arctic summer, coupled with ample surface water from melting snow, allows for a phenomenal rate of growth of surface vegetation, and this in turn attracts a multitude of animals, many of them of migratory species. Warm ocean currents around some of the Arctic coasts are likewise conducive to an abundance of marine fauna. It is not, then, scarcity that characterizes the Arctic environment but rather its seasonality. The resources available for human subsistence—which are primarily faunal rather than vegetable—tend to occur in great concentrations at particular times of year, rather than being widely dispersed and continuously available. These fluctuations naturally affect the settlement patterns and movements of human populations, as do the marked seasonal variations in the length of day and night and in the opportunities afforded by the landscape for transport and travel.

Adaptations to local environments
      The three major environmental zones of forest, tundra, and coast, and the transitions between them, establish the range of conditions to which the ways of life of the circumpolar peoples are adapted. These conditions are strikingly uniform across both northern North America and Eurasia, and this uniformity is matched by remarkable similarities in cultural adaptation throughout the circumpolar region. Broadly speaking, it is possible to class these adaptations into four kinds. The first is entirely confined within the forest and is based on the exploitation of its fairly diverse resources of land animals, birds, and fish. Local groups tend to be small and widely scattered, each exploiting a range of territory around a fixed, central location. The second kind of adaptation spans the transition between forest and tundra. It is characterized by a heavy, year-round dependence on herds of reindeer or caribou, whose annual migrations from the forest to the tundra in spring and from the tundra back to the forest in autumn are matched by the lengthy nomadic movements of the associated human groups—whether these be of hunters (as in North America), who aim to intercept the herds on their migrations, or of pastoralists (as in Eurasia), who are in continuous association with them. The third kind of adaptation, most common among Inuit ( Eskimo) groups, involves a seasonal movement in the reverse direction, between the hunting of sea mammals on the coast in winter and spring and the hunting of caribou and fishing on the inland tundra in summer and autumn. Fourth, typical of cultures of the northern Pacific coast is an exclusively maritime adaptation. People live year-round in relatively large, coastal settlements, hunting the rich resources of marine mammals from boats in summer and from the ice in winter.

Identification of Eastern and Western Arctic cultures
 In northern North America the forest and forest-tundra modes of subsistence are practiced only by Indian peoples, while coastal and coastal-tundra adaptations are the exclusive preserve of the Inuit and of the Aleut of the northern Pacific islands. Indian cultures are thus essentially tied to the forest, whereas Inuit and Aleut cultures are entirely independent of the forest and tied rather to the coast. Conventionally, this contrast has been taken to mark the distinction between peoples of the subarctic and those of the Arctic. Thus in this article, of the indigenous peoples of northern North America, only the Inuit and Aleut are considered to be Arctic, whereas the Indian groups are dealt with separately in the article American subarctic people (American Subarctic peoples). A division of this kind, however, cannot be applied to the indigenous peoples of northern Eurasia. Apart from the Siberian Yupik (Eskimo), and perhaps some coastal Chukchi and Koryak inhabiting the northeastern tip of Siberia, there are no exclusively Arctic peoples in Eurasia. As among the Indians of the American subarctic, forest and forest-tundra adaptations predominate. For this reason, it has been necessary to treat the Eurasian Arctic and subarctic together as a single culture area. It should be noted, moreover, that the southern limits of this area are defined more by considerations of environmental adaptation than by culture per se. A number of Eurasian peoples are distributed over regions that span the transition between the taiga forest and the grassland steppe to the south. In such instances, only the forest-dwelling groups of these peoples will be considered here.

      Apart from the absence of a cultural division corresponding to the environmental division between Arctic and subarctic, the north of the Old World is distinguished from that of the New in two major respects. The first lies in the domestication of the reindeer, the second in the history of settlement and European contact. The domestic reindeer is ubiquitous throughout Arctic and subarctic Eurasia (except the Pacific coast), whereas the North American caribou—which is virtually identical to the Eurasian wild reindeer—has never been domesticated. As a domestic animal, the reindeer is unusual both in that it has not been removed from its natural area of distribution and in its lack of deviation from the wild form. Originally employed within the hunting cultures of the forest, the eventual consequence of its adoption was the emergence among the peoples of the forest-tundra transition, from Lapland to the Bering Strait, of a unique form of pastoralism. It also led to the disappearance of the wild reindeer from most of this territory, since the wild animals lost out in the competition for pasture. In the absence of the domestic deer, an equivalent form of pastoralism never developed spontaneously on the American continent. Attempts were made, at the end of the 19th century, to introduce reindeer herding into Alaska, using imported deer and herdsmen, but they were notoriously unsuccessful.

      As regards the history of settlement and contact, the most obvious difference is that the Russian exploration of Siberia was virtually complete at a time when the European exploration of northern North America had hardly begun. Although both movements of exploration were dominated by the fur trade and although it had very similar consequences for native communities on both continents, the former belongs to the earlier history of the trade, the latter to its later phases. In the European subarctic the contrast is even more striking, for there is a history of contact between its native people, the Sami (Lapps), and Finnish and Scandinavian settlers that dates back almost 2,000 years and that is part of indigenous cultural tradition. In the case of the Finns and the Sami, even the respective languages are closely related. This situation of continuous contact is a far cry from the encounter, in the North American Arctic, between Euro-Americans and Inuit, which brought together representatives of cultural worlds that, until that time, had had separate histories and had remained completely unaware of each other's existence.

Relations with the encompassing nation-states
      The eventual outcome of the history of contact on both continents, however, has been that indigenous groups have come into the knowledge not only of the world of their colonizers but also of one another. For the first time, for example, Sami people came to know of the existence of Inuit, and vice versa, and to realize that as the indigenous populations of their respective lands they share common problems, interests, and aspirations. This mutual awareness has been given political expression on an international level in the notion of the “Fourth World,” uniting all such indigenous minorities encompassed within the boundaries of modern nation-states. Though the notion is intended to be of global application, its force has been felt above all in relation to the peoples of the north, in northwestern Europe and North America, all of whom presently find themselves citizens of Western liberal democracies and both beneficiaries and victims of the institutions of welfare capitalism that have been developed in these countries since World War II.

      This points to one of the major criteria of the modern world for dividing the indigenous peoples of the circumpolar region—namely, the artificially imposed geopolitical division between East and West. The Sami, as citizens of the Nordic countries, have been much more closely identified with their counterparts in North America than with the indigenous minorities of Siberia, for the recent history of the latter group was for decades shaped by its incorporation within the overall political and administrative framework of the U.S.S.R. Yet in both East and West the lands traditionally occupied by native groups have turned out to contain reserves of raw materials and energy vital to the industrial growth and prosperity of the encompassing states as well as to be of crucial significance for their strategic defense. This has brought money and jobs to the north, as well as the trappings of large-scale and advanced technology. But the jobs are largely filled, and the technology operated, not by native people but by a skilled immigrant workforce. Native people have become socially and economically marginalized in their own homelands.

      It would be wrong, however, to conclude that the ways of life and livelihood of the indigenous peoples of the circumpolar north are bound to become things of the past, as natives abandon their “traditional” occupations of hunting, trapping, fishing, and herding and take to “modern” ways. Though it is true that northern native people have been quick to adopt certain elements of modern technology and consumer hardware, from snowmobiles to radios and televisions, this is because their use, alongside more traditional items, makes good practical sense in the context of everyday life. And, although the purchase of these and other items necessarily involves them to an increasing extent in the workings of a money economy, this involvement represents an attempt to sustain, rather than to abandon, a valued form of livelihood. People are not forced to make an all-or-nothing choice between the paths of tradition and modernity. Far from attesting to a state of transitional disorientation, as though suspended between two worlds and two times, such creative blends of the old and the new show that, for the peoples of the north, life is an ongoing concern. It is only because of the Western tendency to equate indigenous cultures with an exclusive adherence to tradition that they seem always to be on the point of disappearing.

Tim Ingold
      Yet at the turn of the 21st century, more than the adoption of modern methods and machinery threatened the traditional cultures of Arctic peoples. As northern regions were increasingly explored for the presence of fossil fuels, the nomadic way of life itself began literally, as well as figuratively, to lose ground.


Peoples (Arctic) and cultures of the Eurasian Arctic and subarctic
Ethnic (ethnic group) composition
 In northern Eurasia there is no division corresponding to that in northern North America between the exclusively tundra- and coastal-dwelling Yupik, Aleut, and Inuit and the Indian groups that dwell partially or wholly within the taiga, or boreal forest. With the exception of the inhabitants of the coastal regions around the Bering Strait (Siberian Yupik and coastal Chukchi and Koryak), the indigenous peoples of northern Eurasia either inhabit the taiga year-round or migrate annually between the taiga margins and the tundra. In that respect they are more comparable to the peoples of the North American subarctic region than to those of the Arctic. Strictly speaking, the Eurasian Arctic region includes only those peoples whose lives and livelihood are principally confined to the tundra; however, for the purposes of this article, a number of other, forest-dwelling groups, which have conventionally fallen within the general rubric of “circumpolar peoples,” will be included. Inevitably, the criteria for inclusion within this category are somewhat arbitrary, but they include a traditional dependence on hunting, trapping, and fishing and/or the herding of reindeer (rather than other domestic livestock) and the absence or relative insignificance of agriculture.

      In common with circumpolar peoples generally, those of northern Eurasia do not constitute clearly demarcated “tribes.” Ethnic and territorial boundaries, insofar as they are recognized at all, are ill-defined and fluid. Moreover, the enumeration of ethnic groups is further complicated by the many different names by which these groups may be known. Some names are broadly inclusive, designating populations of tens or even hundreds of thousands, whereas others apply to particular local groups of no more than a few hundred individuals. Some names are indigenous (self-designations); others are of foreign origin and have been applied by neighbouring peoples, conquering peoples, or anthropologists. In many cases, the indigenous designation is simply the term in the local language or dialect meaning “person” or “human being.” Bearing in mind these reservations, the following ethnic groups may be distinguished (with one or two exceptions, indigenous names are used throughout; where names of foreign origin have been in common ethnological use, these are placed in parentheses).

Peoples of Fennoscandia and northwestern Siberia
      The Sami (Lapps) are the indigenous inhabitants of northern Fennoscandia. They were originally scattered throughout the forests of Finland, Karelia, and the Kola Peninsula and along the margins of the Scandinavian mountain chain, pursuing a livelihood based on hunting, trapping, and fishing. Reindeer were kept principally for transport. Among the Kola Sami and the so-called Skolt Sami of northeastern Finland, this way of life persisted until the end of the 19th century. In other areas, however, the expansion of Finnish and Scandinavian agricultural settlement led to the gradual contraction of the Sami homeland to the northernmost districts. Many Sami took up the life of their colonist neighbours, as small farmers and fishermen, but in the mountainous areas there developed in the 17th century a form of nomadic reindeer pastoralism, which is often taken to be the hallmark of Sami distinctiveness and ethnic identity.

      The Komi-Zyryan inhabit the region between the Pechora and Vychegda rivers, to the west of the Ural Mountains; this area, roughly corresponding to Komi republic, enjoys a degree of autonomy within Russia. The Komi have long had contact with Russian settlers, and the majority are farmers and cattle keepers. In the northern part of their region, however, the Komi continue to practice reindeer herding and have traditionally enjoyed a reputation as traders.

      The Nenets (Samoyed) form the largest of the indigenous groups of northwestern Siberia and are distributed over an area of taiga and tundra that extends from the White Sea in the west to the Yenisey River in the east. They were traditionally divided into the tundra Nenets, reindeer pastoralists who migrated with their herds between the tundra and taiga margins, and the much less numerous taiga, or forest, Nenets, with an economy based on hunting and fishing combined with small-scale and intensive reindeer husbandry. Closely related to the Nenets are the Nganasan (Tavgi Samoyed), inhabitants of the Taymyr Peninsula to the east of the Yenisey; and the Enets (Yenisey Samoyed), who occupy the basins of the Taz and Turukhan rivers and the lower reaches of the Yenisey. The Nganasan are notable for having preserved well into the 20th century a mode of livelihood focused on the hunting of wild reindeer, while they also kept herds of domestic deer for transport and for use in the chase. The Enets also traditionally combined wild reindeer hunting, domestic reindeer husbandry, and fishing.

      The Khanty (Khanty and Mansi) (Ostyak) and Mansi (Vogul) are closely related groups that inhabit the low-lying swamp and forest country around the Ob River and its tributaries. Their economy was traditionally based on hunting and fishing, but they adopted reindeer husbandry from the Nenets about the 15th century. The Selkup (Ostyak Samoyed), though related to the Nenets in language, were in their traditional economy very similar to their Khanty neighbours. They were hunters and fishermen living within the forested regions of the Ob basin. In the 17th century some Selkup migrated northward to the Taz and Turukhan rivers. Only this latter group, the so-called “northern Selkup,” kept domestic reindeer, which were used solely for transport. The Ket (Yenisey Ostyak) were once distributed throughout the Yenisey basin, but contact with Russians and other groups during the 18th and 19th centuries led to widespread assimilation, leaving only the most northerly group intact. Their traditional livelihood was based on hunting, fishing, and trapping for fur; only a minority kept small reindeer herds.

North-central and northeastern Siberian groups
      East of the Yenisey, the dominant and most numerous ethnic group is that of the Sakha. They are distributed over a large area centred on the Lena River, roughly corresponding to Sakha republic (Yakutia), founded in 1922. Though the precise origins of the Sakha are obscure, their ancestors are believed to have been forced northward under pressure from Mongolic Buryats in the 13th and 14th centuries, either mixing with or displacing the indigenous populations along the Lena. The more southerly Sakha have retained an economy based on the husbandry of cattle and horses supplemented, only after contact with Russian settlers, with agriculture. Farther north, however, the Sakha adopted the hunting, fishing, and reindeer-herding economy of their neighbours. Like the Komi, they also had a reputation as traders.

      The principal indigenous population of the mountainous taiga country stretching eastward from the Yenisey River as far as the Sea of Okhotsk are the Evenk (formerly called Tungus). Their territory is vast, including about a quarter of the whole area of Siberia. The southern Evenk, inhabiting the regions of Transbaikal and the upper Amur basin, are principally horse- and cattle-keeping pastoralists. A small number live a semisedentary life as fishermen and hunters of sea mammals on the Okhotsk coast. Otherwise, the forest-dwelling Evenk were traditionally reindeer-keeping hunters and trappers. Domestic reindeer were used primarily for transport and were both milked and ridden; however, unlike the Nenets and other western Siberian groups, the Evenk (Even) did not employ herding dogs. Closely related to the Evenk are the Dolgan and the Even (Lamut). The Dolgan inhabit the taiga and tundra south of the Taymyr Peninsula. Though of Evenk origin, they have adopted many of the reindeer hunting and herding practices of their northern neighbours, the Nganasan, and their language is a dialect of Sakha. The Even live interspersed with the Evenk over a wide area from the Lena River to the Sea of Okhotsk. They differ only in minor cultural detail from the Evenk and have often been included within the latter category. Most Even groups have, however, been heavily influenced by the Sakha or, farther east, by the Koryak.

      The far northeastern region of Siberia is the home of the so-called Paleo-Siberian (Paleo-Asiatic, or Hyperborean) peoples, including the Chukchi, Koryak, Itelmen, and Yukaghir. The Chukchi inhabit the tundras and coasts of the Chukchi Peninsula and Anadyr Plateau, and the Koryak inhabit the Koryak plateau southward into the Kamchatka Peninsula. The Chukchi are ethnically homogeneous, the Koryak much less so—indeed, the Koryak lacked any term by which to designate their ethnic group as a whole (the term Koryak was applied by Russian settlers). In other respects, the Chukchi and Koryak are similar. Both are divided between inland groups practicing reindeer pastoralism (an economic form that developed among them in the 18th and 19th centuries) and coastal, sedentary groups with an economy of maritime hunting and fishing. The latter kept no reindeer and used only dogs for transport. Traditionally, inland and coastal groups were closely linked by regular trading partnerships.

      The Itelmen are the indigenous inhabitants of Kamchatka. They were traditionally sedentary fishermen who made relatively little use of maritime and coastal resources. They also depended to an unusual extent, for a subarctic people, on the gathering of wild plant foods. Russian settlers began to arrive in Kamchatka in the 18th century and absorbed much of the indigenous population to form an ethnically mixed group known as the Kamchadal. By the end of the 19th century, most people of Itelmen ancestry were practicing a way of life indistinguishable from that of the settlers, which included horticulture and the husbandry of horses and cattle.

      The Yukaghir have no general term for themselves—the designation, probably of Tungusic origin, was applied by Russian settlers who had borrowed the term from the Sakha. In earlier times, the Yukaghir inhabited a wide expanse of northeastern Siberia, living primarily as hunters and fishermen (they appear to have adopted reindeer husbandry not long ago from the Evenk). Their numbers have been severely depleted, however, especially during the 19th century, and only two groups (designated Kolyma Yukaghir and Tundra Yukaghir) have survived to recent times. The former group inhabits the forest margins between the Kolyma and Alazeya rivers, the latter the upper reaches of the Kolyma. A third group, known as the Chuvan, which occupied the Anadyr River basin, has been absorbed into the surrounding Chukchi.

      Interspersed with Chukchi settlements along the Bering Sea coast and on Wrangel Island are communities of Siberian Yupik ( Eskimo). Like the coastal Chukchi, to whom they are closely linked by history and tradition, they were primarily hunters of sea mammals: walrus, seals, and whales (though whale hunting declined sharply toward the end of the 19th century). A few hundred Aleut, who locally call themselves Unangan, live on Bering Island, one of the Komandor Islands off the coast of Kamchatka. Their ancestors had lived as maritime hunters on the islands of the Aleutian chain but were transported to the Komandor Islands in 1825–26 by the Russian-American Company in order to exploit the islands' fur-bearing resources. The Aleut population of the islands has since become thoroughly mixed with other settlers of Russian, Komi, and Yupik descent.

Tim Ingold

Linguistic affiliations
      The fluidity of settlement throughout Eurasia during prehistoric and historical times has left an extremely complex distribution of languages. Broadly speaking, however, the languages of the indigenous peoples of the Eurasian Arctic and subarctic can be grouped into four classes: Uralic (Uralic languages), Manchu-Tungus, Turkic, and Paleo-Siberian.

      The Uralic family of languages is split into two main branches, Finno-Ugric and Samoyedic. Finno-Ugric languages are spoken by the Sami, Komi, Khanty, and Mansi. The Sami languages (Sami language), which are mutually unintelligible, are sometimes considered dialects of one language. Although they share many features with Finnish, Estonian, Karelian, and the other languages of the Baltic-Finnic subgroup, they are not closely related to any of these. Komi-Zyryan and Permyak (Komi-Permyak) are assigned to the Permic division, to which also belongs the language of the Udmurt (Votyak). The languages of the Khanty and Mansi, of which there are several distinct dialectal variants, are assigned to the Ugric division. This division also includes the Hungarian language, although its relationship to Khanty and Mansi is fairly distant.

      The Samoyedic languages are divided into North Samoyedic and South Samoyedic. The North Samoyedic languages are spoken by the Nenets, Enets, and Nganasan, although the Nenets' language has been much influenced by contact with the Komi. The South Samoyedic division is represented by the Selkup language and by the practically extinct Kamas language. The Kamas inhabit the Sayan uplands of south-central Siberia, which many scholars believe may have been the ancestral homeland of the Samoyedic-speaking peoples of today.

      East of the Yenisey River, languages of the Tungusic type predominate. These languages, each with several dialect divisions, are spoken by the Evenk and the Even. They represent the northern branch of the so-called Manchu-Tungus (Manchu-Tungus languages) language group. Languages of this group share a common agglutinative structure with the Mongolian languages (which include Mongol, Oyrat, Buryat, Kalmyk, and several outlying languages) and the Turkic languages, which are widely spoken by the peoples of southwestern Siberia. The Turkic (Turkic languages), Mongolian, and Manchu-Tungus language families together compose the Altaic (Altaic languages) family. In the Siberian north, languages of the Turkic type are represented only by the Sakha and by surrounding peoples such as the Dolgan who—though of Tungusic origin—have adopted the Sakha (Yakut) language (Sakha language). Apart from slight regional differences, there are no distinct Sakha dialects, and this linguistic homogeneity, together with the affinity of Sakha with other eastern Turkic languages such as those of the Shors and the Tuvans, supports the theory of a relatively recent incursion of the Sakha into northern Siberia.

      The languages currently classified as Paleo-Siberian are thought to be the remnants of languages once spoken much more widely among the indigenous populations of the Siberian north, prior to the spread of the Samoyedic languages from the Sayan Mountains in the west and the Tungusic languages from Transbaikal in the east. In northeastern Siberia, Paleo-Siberian languages are spoken by the Chukchi, Koryak, and Itelmen, as well as by the Nivkh (Gilyak) of the lower Amur basin and Sakhalin Island. The Yukaghir language, which has a probable relationship to Early Uralic, is often grouped with the Paleo-Siberian languages. The languages of the Chukchi and Koryak are so closely related as to be mutually intelligible, both belonging to the Luorawetlan (Luorawetlan languages) language family, as do the Itelmen languages. Extensive contact and borrowing between the Koryak and Itelmen has reduced the divergence between them. The Yukaghir language has survived into recent times as two distinct and mutually unintelligible dialects, and only a few hundred speakers remain. However, prior to the spread of Tungusic—and subsequently Sakha—influence, it may have been spoken over a wide area of northeastern Siberia. The Ket languages (Ket language) of western Siberia remain an enigma, since they appear to bear no relation to those of any surrounding peoples. They may be the only Paleo-Siberian languages to have survived in this region.

      The languages of the Yupik, Inuit, and Aleut belong to the Eskimo-Aleut (Eskimo-Aleut languages) language family. Two mutually intelligible dialects of Aleut survive in Alaska and on several islands of Russia. The Eskimo languages fall into two divisions: Inuit (Inuit language), consisting of an interconnected series of dialects spoken across the New World Arctic from North Alaska to Greenland, and Yupik, which includes several Yupik languages (Yupik language) spoken on both sides of the Bering Strait.

      The indigenous peoples of northern Eurasia are everywhere outnumbered by immigrant populations—Norwegians, Swedes, and Finns in Lapland and Russians and other exogenous ethnic groups in Siberia. It is estimated that, in Siberia, the ratio of immigrants to native people was reversed from a minority of one to four to a majority of four to one within the period 1926–59. In Lapland the transition of the Sami from being a majority to a minority in their own homeland has taken place over a longer period but is no less marked. On account of the admixture of indigenous and immigrant peoples and the steady pressure of linguistic assimilation, there can be no accurate and objective measures of indigenous population numbers. Estimates of the total Sami numbers, for example, range from 35,000 to 60,000, depending on the criteria of inclusion. The figures published by the Swedish Saami Association in 1987, however, gave the number of Sami in Norway as 17,000, in Sweden as 8,500, and in Finland as 4,000. Adding a further 2,000 in Russia gives an estimated Sami population at that time in all four nations of 31,500.

 Listed in the table—> are population numbers for indigenous peoples of northern Russia and much of Siberia, derived from the censuses of 1926, 1959, 1970, 1979, and 1989. These figures too, especially the earlier ones, must be treated with some caution; nevertheless, they give some idea of the relative sizes of these populations and the changes they have undergone in the 20th century.

      The Komi and the Sakha stand out by a large margin as the two most numerous indigenous groups in the Eurasian Arctic and subarctic. At the other end of the spectrum, small populations such as those of the Enets, Ket, and Yukaghir are highly vulnerable to absorption by surrounding peoples, as well as to the effects of epidemics, although their resistance to disease was greater than among the indigenous peoples of the New World when exposed to European contact. Thus the Enets, who have all but disappeared, were some 3,000 strong at the beginning of the 17th century, but most were subsequently absorbed by the Nenets, Selkup, and Dolgan. Likewise, the Yukaghir numbered about 5,000 in the 1750s but were gradually reduced in number to a mere 443 in 1926. Smallpox, measles, and syphilis were largely responsible for the decline, as were wars with the Chukchi and economic destitution brought on by involvement in the fur trade, the introduction of firearms, and the resulting depletion of wild animal resources.

      Indigenous numbers in the Eurasian north are continuing to increase but at a rate much slower than in northern North America. Between 1959 and 1970 the average increase was about 15 percent, compared with the 40 percent increase over the same period in the Inuit population of Canada. The reasons for this contrast are not clear, but it may be due to higher rates of assimilation among indigenous peoples in Russia.

Tim Ingold Ed.

History of settlement (Arctic)
      The human occupation of Arctic and subarctic Eurasia dates to the last phase of the Upper Paleolithic Period. At that time much of northern Siberia consisted of arid steppe-tundra, an environment favourable to herds of large grazing animals, such as the now-extinct mammoth and woolly rhinoceros as well as the reindeer. The earliest settlers were specialized hunters of these rich game resources, and their descendants, having spread as far as the northeastern tip of Siberia, became the first humans to cross into North America, perhaps about 13,000 years ago. (Some investigators, however, hold that modern humans had migrated as far as present-day Alaska by 30,000 years ago.) Several further waves of migration followed, in both directions. A general climatic warming about 10,000 years ago, marking the transition from the Pleistocene to the Holocene Epoch, led to the expansion of the taiga, or boreal forest, which was flanked to the north by a narrow strip of swampy tundra. Within the taiga zone, hunting cultures developed with an emphasis on small game procurement and fishing, whereas, around the northeastern coasts, warm sea currents favoured the exploitation of marine mammals.

      Meanwhile, agricultural economies involving the use of domestic animals were expanding from their centres of origin into Southwest and Central Asia. It was this expansion that eventually led to the domestication of the horse and, in the 1st millennium BC, to the rise of mobile, equestrian pastoralism in the Central Asian steppes. Moving north into the Siberian taiga, these pastoralists were probably the first to domesticate the reindeer. They were the ancestors of the present Samoyedic- and Tungusic-speaking peoples. With their gradual dispersion northward, local hunting and fishing cultures were progressively absorbed. This process of absorption was still apparent in recent times in the spread of Evenk and Even pastoralism into Yukaghir country, though it was somewhat overtaken by the subsequent northward expansion of the Sakha. Where the domestic reindeer appeared on the northern margin of the taiga, as among the tundra Nenets and Chukchi, it eventually led to the emergence of full-blown pastoralism. The same occurred in Lapland, though the initial domestication of the reindeer by the Sami also owed something to the influence of Finnish and Scandinavian peasants.

      West of the Ural Mountains, contacts between European settlers and indigenous hunters and fishermen date back more than 1,000 years. Throughout the Middle Ages, trading and raiding forays were made into Sami country—later in the name of the Danish, Swedish, and Russian crowns—to tap the rich reserves of furs and foodstuffs. From roughly the 16th century, this commercial penetration was followed by a concerted movement of agricultural colonization, as rival kingdoms competed for control over the territory of Lapland. Some Sami found themselves obliged to pay taxes to representatives of three different states. Farther east, Russian merchant seafarers had colonized the White Sea coasts by the 9th century, and by the 11th century they had reached the mouth of the Ob River. A parallel movement overland, initially out of Novgorod, was given added impetus by the demand for fur. Cossacks and fur traders had penetrated the region east of the Urals by the 16th century and proceeded to advance across the entire breadth of Siberia, from the Urals to the Pacific coast, in the space of 60 years, 1580–1640. Kamchatka was annexed in 1697. In what is now the Chukchi region of the Russian Far East, however, the Russians encountered fierce resistance: in 1789 the Chukchi were the last indigenous group to be subjugated. Having established its presence across Siberia, Russia could maintain control without much difficulty, despite the vast expanse of territory and sparse immigrant population, for it did not have to contend with any competing external threat.

      During the 20th century the human (human migration) settlement of Arctic and subarctic Eurasia has been completely transformed. The development of industrial fishing, forestry, mining, oil and natural gas exploration, and military installations, along with the necessary transport, communication, and administrative infrastructure, has required the introduction of a large immigrant population. In Siberia many of these immigrants were originally brought in under constraint from other parts of the former Soviet Union, but they or their descendants have since remained. These nonnative groups form a predominantly urban population, inhabiting the new towns around industrial centres. The indigenous populations, by contrast, continue to live primarily in the rural areas.

Traditional culture
      With the exception of the Pacific coast, the Eurasian Arctic and subarctic correspond fairly precisely with the distribution of the reindeer. More than any other factor, the reindeer and its domestication lend some cultural unity to the region as a whole, as well as distinguish the region from the North American Arctic and subarctic, where the reindeer (or caribou) remains wild.

 The two types of reindeer husbandry are defined by the two predominant ecosystems, the taiga and the tundra. The open terrain of the tundra permits the supervision of large herds, and these generally migrate with their herdsmen between winter pastures within the margins of the taiga and summer pastures out on the tundra. Such pastoralism therefore entails fairly extended nomadic movements, sometimes across hundreds of miles. Peoples that practice this form of husbandry include the mountain Sami and tundra Nenets in the west and the inland Chukchi and Koryak in the east. The Sami and Nenets, however, use herding dogs, whereas the eastern groups do not. Techniques of herding that involve the use of drift nets and surrounds are clearly derived from the pre-pastoral hunting of wild reindeer (still practiced in the 20th century by the Nganasan). A few trained animals are kept for transport purposes, the reindeer being harnessed to the sledge in place of the dog. But the majority of animals are kept for their meat, fat, and hides and are scarcely tame.

      The taiga (boreal forest) form of reindeer husbandry occurs on a much smaller scale, since it is impossible to supervise large herds in a forest environment. The reindeer themselves are of a larger stature and can be ridden and used as pack animals. Indeed, their primary use is for transport in an economy that is otherwise based on hunting, trapping, and fishing. The animals are therefore much more tame and are slaughtered only in case of emergency. With such a form of husbandry, the pattern of movement tends to be seminomadic. Peoples practicing this form include the forest and Skolt Sami, forest Nenets, Selkup, Ket, Evenk, and Even.

      The cultures of the North Pacific coast, on both the Asian and the American sides, have a quite different economic basis. Among the coastal Asian peoples the reindeer plays no part, although reindeer products may be obtained in trade from inland peoples. Maritime hunting and fishing support relatively large, sedentary settlements, and the only domestic animals are dogs, which are harnessed in teams to pull sledges. Siberian peoples with this kind of coastal economy include the coastal Chukchi and Koryak, the Yupik, and some Evenk and Even communities on the Okhotsk coast.

      Other features of traditional cultural adaptation, such as housing and clothing, can be linked to this tripartite division between taiga, tundra, and coast. Winter dwellings in the taiga were often semi-subterranean. They were lined with timber, with walls and roof also of timber, and were often insulated with earthen sods. At temporary hunting and fishing sites, occupied in the summer months, taiga dwellers would build pyramidal or conical tents (tent) covered with birch bark (in western regions) or larch bark (in the east). The nomadic herders of the tundra lived year-round in conical tents covered with reindeer hide. Because tent poles and covers had to be carried during migrations, the size of the tent was constrained by the number of draft reindeer at a household's disposal. Thus the tents of wealthy reindeer owners could be large and numerous, whereas poorer peoples had to be content with more meagre dwellings. In northeastern Siberia, among the reindeer-keeping Chukchi, Koryak, Yukaghir, and Even, a different type of tent was in use. This had a low, circular (but vertical) wall capped by a gently sloping, conical roof section. The covering of reindeer skin or larch bark was stretched over a frame of wooden poles. In former times, the coastal Chukchi and Yupik lived in semi-subterranean dwellings roofed with a structure made of the jaw and rib bones of the whale and covered with earthen sods. More recently, they have lived in tents similar to those of the inland peoples, except that they may be covered with walrus hide rather than reindeer skin. The permanent dwellings of the coastal Koryak and the Itelmen are remarkable semi-subterranean structures octagonal in plan, lined with timber, and with a side entrance along a corridor for summer use and an entrance through the centre of the roof for use in winter.

      Throughout the Eurasian Arctic and subarctic, the main items of clothing were made from hides and furs. The forest-dwelling peoples drew on a wide range of fur-bearing species, whereas the clothes of the tundra dwellers were made almost exclusively from reindeer hide. On the northern Pacific coast, clothes were made both from sealskin and from reindeer hide obtained in trade from the inland herding people.

      Information on kinship patterns and social organization among the peoples of the Eurasian Arctic and subarctic is rather patchy. Sami kinship has been well studied and has been shown to have a bilateral structure in which equal significance is attached to relationships on both maternal and paternal sides. Local communities or camps tend to take the form of a bilateral kindred centred on a group of siblings and their spouses. This kind of community organization appears to be widespread across the Eurasian north from Lapland to the Bering Strait, and the flexibility it affords for residential affiliation holds clear adaptive advantages in an uncertain environment. Nevertheless, ethnographers have claimed to detect vestiges of patrilineal clan organization among such peoples as the Nenets, Khanty, Mansi, Nganasan, Evenk, Even, and Sakha. The origins of the clan system may lie with the pastoral peoples of the southern Siberian steppes, but with the transition to taiga and tundra environments the significance of clans appears to fade out. With the significant exception of the Sakha, all northern Eurasian peoples are politically egalitarian, and, despite individual differences in wealth and influence, there are no formal chiefly offices or institutionalized hierarchies. As for Arctic and subarctic peoples generally, a strong emphasis is placed on the value of personal autonomy.

      Traditional religious belief and practice throughout the Eurasian north was shamanistic (shamanism) in form (indeed, the term “shaman” is of Evenk derivation). According to the shamanistic worldview, the cosmos is divided into many layers, and the shaman, who is helped or hindered by various spirits, is thought to be able to travel in trance between them and, in so doing, to achieve an integration that is essential both to the health of individuals and to the well-being of the community. The animal counterpart of the human shaman was the bear, which throughout northern Eurasia has been the object of a special cult. The various species of wild animals were believed to be controlled by spirit masters or guardians, which would “give” animals to hunters who treated them with proper respect. Domestic reindeer (and dogs, on the Pacific coast) were vehicles of propitiatory sacrifice.

      The Skolt Sami were among the first of the indigenous peoples of the north to be converted to Christianity, which was brought by the legendary Orthodox saint Trifon in 1532. Subsequently, from the 17th century, the Sami living farther to the west were subjected to Lutheran missionary influence, and their shamanistic beliefs and practices were violently eradicated. In Siberia the Eastern Orthodox church spread eastward along with Russian settlement, but Eastern Orthodoxy often secured only nominal adherence among native populations, who continued to practice their traditional religion. In the 20th century, shamanistic practices had been more rigorously suppressed but were showing signs of revival.

      In modern times, the Sami of Norway, Sweden, and Finland have fared very differently from the indigenous peoples of Russia. Although the aspirations of the Sami toward nationhood have been frustrated by their citizenship of three different states (or four, including Russia), vigorous ethnopolitical organizations have been established which have fought effectively to reverse the stigma that once was attached to Sami identity, to secure respect for their language and cultural traditions, and to assert their rights—on the basis of prior occupancy—to land and water. Materially, the Sami can enjoy the benefits, in terms of raised living standards, of their citizenship of relatively affluent welfare states; however, the Chernobyl (Chernobyl accident) nuclear accident of 1986, which spread radioactive material over much of northwestern Lapland, dealt a blow from which the reindeer economy may be slow to recover.

      Prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, many of the minority peoples of the northern U.S.S.R. were given formal recognition in its administrative structure. Post-Soviet Russia retains to a large degree the recognition and rights to limited autonomy of certain minorities, including the Komi, Sakha, Nenets, Khanty, Mansi, Evenk, Chukchi, and Koryak. During the Soviet era, however, all political and economic direction came from the centre. Reindeer husbandry, hunting, fishing, and trapping were all reorganized on the principles of collectivization.

      The growth of mining and of oil and gas exploration in Russia has caused grave problems of environmental pollution, posing a major threat to the livelihood of indigenous peoples. Since the late 1980s, however, with the advent of the policy of perestroika (“restructuring”) and the breakup of the Soviet Union itself, these peoples are finding a new voice with which to express their concerns and ethnic aspirations, in solidarity with other peoples of the so-called Fourth World.

Tim Ingold

Peoples and cultures of the American Arctic
 the Eskimo (Inuit and Yupik/Yupiit) and Aleuts (Aleut) of the treeless shores and tundra-covered coastal hinterlands of northernmost North America and Greenland. Because of their close social, genetic, and linguistic relations to Yupik speakers in Alaska, the Yupik-speaking peoples living near the Bering Sea in Siberia are sometimes discussed with these groups. Scholarly custom separates the American Arctic peoples from other American Indians (American Indian), from whom they are distinguished by various linguistic, physiological, and cultural differences.

Linguistic composition
      Various outside relationships for the Eskimo-Aleut language (Eskimo-Aleut languages) stock have been suggested, but in the absence of conclusive evidence the stock must be considered to be isolated. Internally, it falls into two related divisions, Eskimo and Aleut.

      The Eskimo division is further subdivided into Inuit (Inuit language) and Yupik. Inuit, or Eastern Eskimo (in Greenland called Greenlandic or Kalaaleq; in Canada, Inuktitut; in Alaska, Inupiaq), is a single language formed of a series of intergrading dialects that extend thousands of miles, from eastern Greenland to northern Alaska and around the Seward Peninsula to Norton Sound; there it adjoins Yupik (Yupik language), or Western Eskimo. The Yupik section, on the other hand, consists of five separate languages that were not mutually intelligible. Three of these are Siberian (Siberia): Sirenikski is now virtually extinct, Naukanski is restricted to the easternmost Chukchi Peninsula, and Chaplinski is spoken on Alaska's St. Lawrence Island, on the southern end of the Chukchi Peninsula, and near the mouth of the Anadyr River in the south and on Wrangel Island in the north. In Alaska, Central Alaskan Yupik includes dialects that covered the Bering Sea coast from Norton Sound to the Alaska Peninsula, where it met Pacific Yupik (known also as Sugpiaq or Alutiiq). Pacific Yupik comprises three dialects: that of the Kodiak Island group, that of the south shore of the Kenai Peninsula, and that of Prince William Sound.

      Aleut (Aleut language) now includes only a single language of two dialects, but, before the disruption that followed the 18th-century arrival of Russian fur hunters, it included several dialects, if not separate languages, spoken from about longitude 158° W on the Alaska Peninsula, throughout the Aleutian Islands, and westward to Attu, the westernmost island of the Aleutian chain. The Russians transplanted some Aleuts to formerly unoccupied islands of the Commander group, west of the Aleutians, and to those of the Pribilofs, in the Bering Sea. (See also North American Indian languages.)

Ethnic groups
      In general, American Eskimo peoples did not organize their societies into units such as clans or tribes. Identification of group membership was traditionally made by place of residence, with the suffix -miut (“people of”) applied in a nesting set of labels to persons of any specifiable place—from the home of a family or two to a broad region with many residents. Among the largest of the customary -miut designators are those coinciding at least roughly with the limits of a dialect or subdialect, the speakers of which tended to seek spouses from within that group; such groups might range in size from 200 to as many as 1,000 people.

      Historically, each individual's identity was defined on the basis of connections such as kinship and marriage in addition to place and language. All of these continued to be important to Arctic self-identity in the 20th and 21st centuries, although native peoples in the region have also formed large—and in some cases pan-Arctic—organizations in order to facilitate their representation in legal and political affairs.

      Ethnographies, historical accounts, and documents from before the late 20th century typically used geographic nomenclature to refer to groups that shared similar dialects, customs, and material cultures. For instance, in reference to groups residing on the North Atlantic and Arctic coasts, these texts might discuss the East Greenland Eskimo, West Greenland Eskimo, and Polar Eskimo, although only the last territorial division corresponded to a single self-contained, in-marrying (endogamous) group. The peoples of Canada's North Atlantic and eastern Hudson Bay were referred to as the Labrador Eskimo and the Eskimo of Quebec; these were often described as whole units, although each comprises a number of separate societies. The Baffinland Eskimo were often included in the Central Eskimo, a grouping that otherwise included the Caribou Eskimo of the barrens west of Hudson Bay and the Iglulik, Netsilik, Copper, and Mackenzie Eskimo, all of whom live on or near the Arctic Ocean in northern Canada. The Mackenzie Eskimo, however, are also set apart from other Canadians as speakers of the western, or Inupiaq, dialect of the Inuit (Eastern Eskimo) language. Descriptions of these Alaskan Arctic peoples have tended to be along linguistic rather than geographic lines and include the Inupiaq-speaking Inupiat, who live on or near the Arctic Ocean and as far south as the Bering Strait. All of the groups noted thus far reside near open water that freezes solid in winter, speak dialects of the Inuit language, and are commonly referred to in aggregate as Inuit (meaning “the people”).

      The other American Arctic groups live farther south, where open water is less likely to freeze solid for greatly extended periods (see sea ice). The Bering Sea Eskimo and St. Lawrence Island Eskimo live around the Bering Sea, where resources include migrating sea mammals and, in the mainland rivers, seasonal runs of salmon and other fish. The Pacific Eskimo, on the other hand, live on the shores of the North Pacific itself, around Kodiak Island and Prince William Sound, where the Alaska Current prevents open water from freezing at all. Each of these three groups speaks a distinct form of Yupik; together they are commonly referred to as Yupik Eskimo or as Yupiit (“the people”).

      In the Gulf of Alaska, ethnic distinctions were blurred by Russian colonizers who used the term Aleut to refer not only to people of the Aleutian Islands but also to the culturally distinct groups residing on Kodiak Island and the neighbouring areas of the mainland. As a result, many modern native people from Kodiak, the Alaska Peninsula, and Prince William Sound identify themselves as Aleuts, although only those from the tip of the peninsula and the Aleutian Islands are descended from people who spoke what linguists refer to as the Aleut language; these latter refer to themselves as Unangan (“people”). The groups from Kodiak Island and the neighbouring areas traditionally spoke the form of Yupik called Pacific Yupik, Sugpiaq, or Alutiiq and refer to themselves as Alutiiq (singular) or Alutiit (plural).

History (Arctic) of settlement
      In northernmost North America, only mainland Alaska and a small northwestern corner of Canada remained largely unglaciated during the latest ice age of the Pleistocene (Pleistocene Epoch); these areas were joined to northeastern Asia—also largely without ice—across land exposed by low sea levels at what is now the Bering Strait. To the east and south, the way into the North American continent was blocked with ice and unnegotiable terrain from about 25,000 to 11,000 BC.

      The earliest residents of the American Arctic are known from this area of ice-free Alaska and northwest Canada; they arrived as early as perhaps 12,000 BC and can be referred to as members of the Paleo-Arctic cultural tradition. They made cutting implements in a style common to northeast Asia that was characterized by slender flakes struck from specially prepared stone cores—flakes referred to by archaeologists as “blades,” many of them small (less than 5 cm [2 in] in length) and classed as “microblades.” Some of these blades were apparently set into the edges of bone or antler batons, thus forming knives or projectile heads. With the latter, the Paleo-Arctic people hunted terrestrial animals; caribou appear to have been their preferred food, although they also hunted elk, forms of bison now extinct (e.g., Bison antiquus), and perhaps mammoths. Blade and microblade tools had appeared earlier on the Asian side of the North Pacific, notably in Siberia and in portions of the Japanese islands; evidence from those regions also suggests a reliance on terrestrial, rather than coastal, resources.

      In approximately 11,000 BC, as the thawing of the ice caps began to open access to the rest of North America and to flood the land bridge to Asia, a change occurred in sites in north Alaska: the production of microblades decreased, while small projectile points or knife blades of stone, more fully shaped by chipping than were the microblades, appeared. Some archaeologists have attempted without appreciable success to find the beginning of this change in northeast Siberia. Others have suggested that it represents a development within the early Paleo-Arctic tradition itself or that it is in fact a reflection of people already in the American heartland to the southeast, although the time and manner of their arrival there remains unknown at this time. In any event, by 10,000 BC there was a resurgence of the microblade-producing sites of the Paleo-Arctic tradition; in northern Alaska at the same time there also appeared stone spear points that bear a striking resemblance to the artifacts known from the same period in other parts of North America.

      Like its southern counterparts, this material culture and its makers are referred to as Paleo-Indian. Most archaeologists presume the Arctic Paleo-Indians were a new influx of people who moved north from regions to the southeast, probably following (and hunting) herds of bison and other animals as they expanded into the areas where the ice had retreated (see Native American: Prehistory (Native American)). That they were in some way descended from people present in Alaska in that earlier interval when microblades were uncommon seems possible but is yet to be demonstrated. The sites used by the Paleo-Arctic (microblade) and Paleo-Indian (spear-point) cultures are in somewhat different areas, and so these groups are thought to have been distinct peoples.

      By at least 8000 BC the presence of Paleo-Arctic people can be recognized on the Alaska Peninsula in southern mainland Alaska. At almost exactly the same moment, their characteristic microblade tools appear in a few sites on the coast in southeastern Alaska and British Columbia, suggesting a movement of Paleo-Arctic descendants south. When microblades appear on the central coast of British Columbia, they are found at sites that include distinctively different artifacts; this seems to indicate that the Paleo-Arctic people met with others who were already living in the area. Although food remains from this period are seldom preserved, evidence indicates that the transition from a terrestrial subsistence economy to one based on oceanside resources was complete within a millennium.

      Beginning about 7000 BC, sites with blades and microblades appear in the eastern Aleutian Islands. Although food remains are lacking in these sites, it is clear that the occupants lived on ocean resources, as there are no other resources present in any significant quantity. Notably, all of these Paleo-Arctic-related appearances on the coast (of both islands and mainland) occur south of the regions in which coastlines freeze fast during the winter.

      The end of the Paleo-Arctic tradition occurred about 5500 BC. Certainly by 5000 BC the signs of remnant Paleo-Arctic-related people had been eclipsed both in the interior and on the southern coast. In the interior, new styles of artifacts constitute the Northern Archaic tradition (see also Archaic culture). In general, Northern Archaic sites are located within what were the expanding northern forests; although some Northern Archaic people left traces outside the forest limits, they generally avoided the coasts. Their artifacts include fairly large chipped-stone points with stems or notches near the points' base (stemming and notching both facilitate hafting a point to its shaft). Northern Archaic food resources were terrestrial. If the sequence of major tool types in the American Arctic is analogous to that represented to the south, this tradition may have developed from the earlier Paleo-Indian culture of the north, although direct evidence for this has thus far not been presented.

      By 5000 BC, changes are also seen at sites along parts of the northernmost Pacific coast, including the eastern Aleutians, where the sea remains open in winter. These sites are characterized by new kinds of artifacts, notably large stone projectile points, stone basins for burning sea-mammal oil, and harpoon heads of bone. When combined with evidence from food remains, these materials clearly indicate that local residents relied heavily upon marine mammals, including those that required the use of boats well offshore. Scholars have not reached consensus on a name for the people represented by this new material culture, but some have referred to them as members of the Ocean Bay tradition.

      Up to about 4000 BC this tradition was common to the residents of the Kodiak region and the Aleutian Islands; shortly thereafter, however, these two groups began to develop in different directions. People in the Aleutians carried aspects of Ocean Bay technology with them as they moved farther and farther west through the chain of islands, arriving at the most distant islands, Agattu and Attu, not later than about 600 BC. On the Pacific coast around Kodiak, on the other hand, the people began to fashion stone artifacts by grinding, a technology that persisted throughout later millennia and was markedly different from that used in the Aleutians.

      The first residents of the winter-freezing coasts of the north appeared only after 3000 BC, when people of the Arctic Small Tool tradition began to replace any Northern Archaic people who were exploiting the largely treeless lands immediately inland from the coasts. Predominantly terrestrial in subsistence orientation—hunting especially caribou and musk ox and taking river and lake fish—the people of the Arctic Small Tool tradition also exploited coastal resources on a seasonal basis. These people are thought to have been new immigrants from Neolithic northeast Asia, as their material culture is characterized by diminutive stone artifacts similar to those found in that region, albeit without the pottery that is usually found on Asian sites.

      Although leaving evidence of neither sleds nor boats, by 2500 BC the descendants of the Small Tool people had exploded across the Arctic Archipelago of Canada to northernmost Greenland, in some areas turning more and more to coastal resources. At about the same time, they also expanded within Alaska south to the Alaska Peninsula, where their southern limit coincided with that of heavy winter coastal drift ice and intruded in some limited areas to the North Pacific itself near Cook Inlet. Within a few centuries they moved also into the tundra-covered Barren Grounds west of Hudson Bay, displacing earlier peoples who had exploited Barren Grounds caribou. Along the northeastern coast of the continent, they penetrated southward as far as the Gulf of St. Lawrence, again to the southern edge of heavy winter sea ice.

 In northern Canada and Greenland the Small Tool folk gradually developed into those of the Dorset (Dorset culture) culture, who by 800 BC had created techniques for hunting seals through their breathing holes in winter sea ice and developed substantial dwellings of sod and rocks that they heated with lamps of sea-mammal oil. In some areas the Dorset culture is thought to have persisted until about AD 1300.

      In Alaska the material culture of the Small Tool people was replaced by that of the Norton culture in approximately 500 BC. These people made pottery similar to that found in contemporary Siberia, and their substantial villages of semisubterranean houses appeared along the coast from the Bering Sea to the Beaufort Sea, near the present northern border of Alaska with Canada. Norton people hunted sea mammals in open water—some of their harpoons were large enough for whaling—as well as interior animals, including caribou; they also took lake and river fish. On much of the Alaska mainland, people of the Norton tradition endured until the end of the 1st millennium AD, a period when other major developments were taking place in the islands and on the Asian coast near the Bering Strait.

      In the area around the strait, an increasing ability to hunt in the open sea led to the development of the Northern Maritime, or Thule (Thule culture), cultural tradition. In this area the tradition is recognizable by AD 200 and in some cases perhaps a century or two earlier; it is characterized by ground slate tools, ivory harpoon heads (often decoratively engraved), lamps made of clay or mud, and a heavy reliance on sea mammals. By c. AD 700 the ancestral Thule people (or their culture) had expanded into Alaska north of the Bering Strait, where by AD 900–1000 the mature Thule culture, or Thule proper, appeared.

      Thule culture proved to be the most adaptable of the Arctic, expanding rapidly to the coasts of Alaska, the eastern Chukchi Peninsula of Asia, and up the rivers of the Alaska mainland; this culture's use of the large open skin boat, or umiak, for walrus and whale hunting, the kayak for sealing, and the dogsled for winter land transportation enabled the people to increase their subsistence options and geographic range. After AD 1000, perhaps moving in pursuit of whales (whose locations were shifting due to changing ice conditions), they moved rapidly across northernmost Canada to Greenland. In these areas, they established new settlements of stone and sod houses at key locations while also displacing or absorbing the thinly scattered Dorset descendants of the Small Tool people. The Canadian Thule culture carried the Inuit language to Greenland, while Thule-related groups in Alaska spread forms of the closely related Yupik language around the Bering Sea coast and to the North Pacific.

      For the next few centuries a warming climate reduced the formation of winter pack ice. Most Arctic communities relied on excursions inland for caribou, river and lake fish, and other resources during the short summer months; some people also pursued whales during those animals' migrations; and all of them made use of resources such as nonmigratory seals in both summer and winter. After about AD 1400, a period of increasing cold caused the peoples of northern Canada to give up permanent winter settlements, shifting instead to a nomadic seasonal round. This typically included warm-weather caribou hunting and river fishing, activities during which people lived in tents, and cold-weather seal hunting through the sea ice (at the animals' breathing holes), undertaken while people resided in snow houses—essentially the way of life that many people now think of as characteristic of all traditional Eskimo peoples. Because the climate shift was less extreme in areas closer to the coasts of the Pacific (including the Bering Sea) and Atlantic oceans, communities in those areas perpetuated the stable oceanside life established in the Thule period, building permanent dwellings of sod, logs, and stones; they rarely used snow houses except during winter travel, and they hunted through the sea ice chiefly in times of winter famine when stores of other foods had been exhausted.

Traditional culture
      The traditional cultures of this region are generally discussed in terms of two broad divisions: seasonally migratory peoples living on or near winter-frozen coastlines (the northern Yupiit and the Inuit) and more-sedentary groups living on or near the open-water regions of the Pacific coast (the southern Yupiit and Aleuts).

Seasonally migratory peoples: the northern Yupiit (Yupik) and the Inuit (Eskimo)
      The seasonally organized economy of these peoples derived from that of their Thule ancestors and focused on the exploitation of both sea and land resources. Traditional peoples generally followed the Thule subsistence pattern, in which summers were spent in pursuit of caribou and fish and other seasons were devoted to the pursuit of sea mammals, especially seals; food was also stored for consumption during the deepest part of winter. There were exceptions to this pattern, however. People of the Bering Strait islands, for instance, depended almost entirely on sea mammals, walrus being very important. In the specialized Alaskan whaling villages between the Seward Peninsula and Point Barrow, caribou and seals were outweighed as food resources by bowhead whales (Baleana mysticetus; see right whale). In the Brooks Range of northern Alaska, some people were year-round caribou hunters who also depended on traded sea-mammal oil as a condiment and for heat. In the Barren Grounds, west of Hudson Bay, some groups used no sea products at all, illuminating their snow houses with burning caribou fat and heating these homes with twig fires.

 Most shelter in winter was in substantial semisubterranean houses of stone or sod over wooden or whalebone frameworks. In Alaska, save for the far north, heat was provided by a central wood fire that was placed beneath a smoke hole; throughout the north and in Greenland, a large sea-mammal oil lamp served the same purpose. In 19th-century Siberia and on St. Lawrence Island, the older semisubterranean house was given up for a yurt-like structure with sod walls and a walrus-hide roof.

      The people nearest the Arctic Ocean relied on the snow house in winter, with most groups moving onto fresh ice fields in search of seals during that season. Caribou hunters and lake and river fishermen used the snow house on land. The caribou specialists of northern Alaska often lived through the winter in double-layered dome-shaped tents, heated like the coastal snow houses with an oil lamp; these dwellings commonly housed an extended family. In East and West Greenland, communal dwellings were built of stone, housed as many as 50 people from different kin groups, and were arranged such that each nuclear family had its own interior space and oil lamp. Communities in the far north of Greenland chose to use smaller stone houses designed to shelter nuclear families.

      Among the Yupiit a special large semisubterranean house, called a kashim by the Russians, was used for public and ceremonial occasions and as a men's residence. The kashim was the place where men built their boats, repaired their equipment, took sweat baths, educated young boys, and hosted community dances. Women had their own homes in which they worked and cared for their children. In many cases the women's homes were connected to one another and to the kashim by a system of tunnels, not all of them generally known; a number of folktales tell how canny women saved their families from raids by directing them to hidden tunnels that opened far away from the village.

      The institution of the kashim was stronger to the south of the Bering Strait than to its north. Kashims did not exist on St. Lawrence Island or in Siberia, nor were they found east of Point Barrow until the late 19th or early 20th century, when they began to be used by Inuit living near the Mackenzie River.

      Both the single-cockpit kayak and the larger open umiak were virtually universal, although they were not used the same way everywhere. The kayak was generally used as a seal-hunting craft, but, in the places where open-water sealing was limited, it was used to intercept migrating caribou as they crossed lakes and rivers. The umiak was usually a freight vessel, often rowed by women facing backward, but in whaling and walrus-hunting regions it was used as a hunting boat and paddled by a male crew facing forward. Winter transport was by sled, pulled by dogs or by both dogs and people. In most regions the number of sled dogs (sled dog)—which ate the same food as humans and thus were a burden in times of want—was limited, an exception being the few areas in which relative plenty was provided by whales or migrating salmon.

      The bow and arrow were the standard tools of land hunters. Seals and walrus were taken from shore with a thrown harpoon tipped with a toggling head—an asymmetrical point with a line affixed, shaped to twist sidewise in the wound as the detachable shaft pulled loose. Kayak-based seal hunters used specialized harpoons with fixed barbs rather than toggling heads; these were often cast with the spear-thrower or throwing board, a flat trough of wood that cradled the butt of the dart and formed an extension of the thrower's arm, increasing the velocity of the thrown projectile. The whaling umiak was manned by a professional crew; it was directed by the boat's owner, or umialik, and a marksman who wielded a heavy harpoon with a detachable toggling head and line attached to sealskin floats. In Quebec, whales were harpooned from kayaks or run aground in shallow bays.

      The flexibility of movement required by the seasonally varied subsistence quest was supported by the flexible organization of society. Individuals obtained psychological and material support from their kindred and tended to avoid people who were not kin, but there were devices for creating kinlike relationships that could extend the social and territorial sphere in which an individual could move in safety and comfort. These included a variety of institutionalized relationships; people bearing the same name as a relative might be treated as if they held the same relation, and trading partners, song partners, meat-sharing partners, and partners created by the temporary exchange of spouses might also be treated approximately as relatives.

      Generally, American Eskimo recognized kin on both the paternal and maternal sides of the family to about the degree of second cousin. Marriage with cousins was frowned upon by most groups although permitted by some; certain groups also emphasized paternal kin over maternal. On St. Lawrence Island and in Siberia, however, there were patrilineal clans—named groups of all people related in the male line. In Siberia marriage could not be contracted by two members of the same clan, although on St. Lawrence such a rule was not enforced. There the walrus- and whale-hunting crews were composed of clansmen, the senior male became clan chief, and the chief of the strongest local clan acted as the village chief.

      Among other groups there was no formal position of chief, the closest to an exception being the umialik of the Inupiat. In addition to owning the boat used for whaling, the umialik was the employer of a whaling crew, recruiting his men for their professional ability and acting as benefactor to them and their families. In many villages each umialik and his crew controlled a kashim. The title of umialik was also used in some villages not devoted to whaling, especially in the northern Alaskan interior, where the umialik was the organizer of a caribou-hunting team. The position of umialik was not inherited but was gained by skilled entrepreneurs, and it brought no control over anyone but the umialik's own crew (and then only to the extent that an individual chose to remain a crew member). South of the Bering Strait the title was rarely used.

      Religious beliefs were based on animism; all things—animate or otherwise—were believed to have a living essence. Thus, all humans, animals, plants, and objects had souls or spirits, which might be related to one another in a hereafter, details of the location of which varied from group to group. Courtesies given to freshly killed animals promoted their reincarnation as new animals of the same species. The souls of humans were subject to interference from other spirits, and soul loss meant illness or even death. There also were ideas of human reincarnation. The name of a deceased person was given to a child who “became” that person by being addressed with kinship terms appropriate to the deceased.

 Traditionally, all people were in contact with the spirit world; they carried amulets of traditional or individual potency, experienced dreams, devised songs or other words of power, and achieved special relationships with particular spirit-beings. Men and women who were especially adept at such contact became shamans (shamanism); they were called on to cure the sick by recovering lost soul-stuff, to foretell the future, to determine the location of game, and so forth—all with the help of powerful spirit familiars.

 Shamans were also expected to contact a few more strongly personified spirit-beings, such as the female being (whose name and attributes varied from group to group) who governed important land or sea mammals; when game was scarce, the shaman might cajole her into providing more bounty. In Greenland the shaman was also an entertainer whose séances, escape tricks, and noisy spirit helpers could enliven a long winter's night in the communal house (see shamanism).

Sedentary peoples: the southern Yupiit and the Aleuts (Aleut)
      These groups made use of the sod-covered and semisubterranean house, the skin-covered kayak and the umiak, and fishing and hunting apparatus similar to those of the northern Yupiit and the Inuit. Yet, like many neighbouring Northwest Coast Indians (Northwest Coast Indian), they focused almost exclusively on aquatic resources and had a hierarchical society comprising formal chiefs (apparently inherited in the male line), other elites, commoners, and a class of slaves that was generally composed of war captives. Although the Yupik-speaking people of the Kodiak region maintained kashims that seem to have functioned generally like those of the north and were said to be “owned” by local chiefs, the Aleut-speaking groups had no similar structure. Unfortunately, the region's conquest by Russian fur hunters eradicated many details of indigenous life before they could be thoroughly recorded.

Historical developments
      The European colonization of the American Arctic flowed inland from the coasts of Greenland, western and southwestern Alaska, and the Arctic Ocean and Hudson Bay. The discussions below consider these major areas of colonization in turn.

       Erik the Red founded a small Norse colony on Greenland in AD 986, although the Norse and the Thule people seem not to have interacted until the 13th century. The Norse colony was abandoned in the early 15th century, a time when a general climatic cooling trend probably made subsistence farming unsustainable there. European fishermen built seasonally used base camps on Greenland's southern coasts during the 16th and 17th centuries. During the periods of European absence, Inuit peoples sometimes burned the seemingly abandoned buildings in order to simplify the collection of iron nails and metal fittings; these were easily transformed into implements that proved more durable than traditional stone tools. This destruction of fishing camps created tensions between the Europeans and the Inuit; the groups sometimes fought, but there were apparently no attempts at political domination.

      In 1721 a permanent Danish-Norwegian colony was founded on Greenland; its goals were missionization and trade. Unusually, the region's indigenous peoples were from the first treated as full citizens of the kingdom. Epidemics of European diseases struck almost immediately, killing as many as a third of the people on the island. In 1776 the Danish government granted a trade monopoly to the Royal Greenlandic Trading Company; with the restriction of contact with outsiders, losses to epidemic disease were greatly reduced. Denmark retained a trading monopoly with Greenland until 1951.

      Indigenous languages remained in general use after colonization. Because missionaries often learned Inuit while residing in Nuuk (now the capital city) and then left for more-distant locales, the Nuuk dialect came into common use throughout Greenland. This helped create a sense of ethnic unity among indigenous Greenlanders, and that unity continued to grow with the 1861 publication of the first Inuit-language newspaper, Atuagagdliutit (an invented word originally meaning “distributed reading matter” or “free newspaper”). By the late 19th century, Greenland's native peoples had created a significant and growing vernacular literature and a name for their shared identity, Kalaaleq (“Greenland Inuk”; Inuk is the local ethnonym for someone who is a member of an Inuit-speaking group).

      In 1862 Greenland was granted limited local self-government. In the period from 1905 to 1929, its residents shifted from a traditional subsistence economy to sheep breeding and cod fishing (although hunting remained important in the early 21st century); schools also began to teach Danish. In 1953, after more than 200 years as a colony, Greenland became an integral part of Denmark and gained representation in the national legislative assembly; in 1979 it achieved complete home rule. See also Greenland: History (Greenland).

      The Inuit Institute, Greenland's first institution of higher education, was formed in 1983; in 1989 it was reorganized as a university, Ilisimatusarfik, and became one of the few institutions dedicated to the study of Kalaaleq traditional cultures and languages. Within Greenland, university training in other subjects is still limited; as younger Kalaaleq commonly speak Danish as a second language, many enroll in Danish universities.

Southern and southwestern Alaska
      In 1728 the Russian tsar Peter I (the Great) (Peter I) supported an expedition to the northern Pacific. Led by Vitus Bering (Bering, Vitus), the expedition set out to determine whether Siberia and North America were connected and, if not, whether there was a navigable sea route connecting the commercial centres of western Russia to China. Although poor visibility limited the results of this voyage, subsequent Russian journeys determined that the Pacific coast of North America was home to a seemingly inexhaustible population of sea otters. Russian entrepreneurs quickly seized on the opportunity to garner sea otter pelts, known for their lush feel and superior insulating qualities, as these were at the time almost the only items for which the Chinese were willing to engage in trade with Russia.

      Russian rule was established in the region quickly and often brutally. Perhaps the worst atrocities occurred in 1745, when a large party of Russian and Siberian hunters overwintered in the Aleutian Islands; members of the party engaged in such wholesale murder and sexual assault that they were later charged in the Russian courts and punished. Similar incidents of violent conquest occurred throughout the region, andover the next several decades the indigenous population was forced into virtual slavery. Russian administrators recognized native expertise in capturing sea otters and so negotiated with the hunters during the first part of the colonial era (albeit on an unequal basis given the colonizers' imposing firepower). However, these more or less voluntary levels of fur production proved inadequate for commercial trading. By 1761 the Russians had instituted a village-based quota system; they remained unsatisfied with the results and soon took entire villages hostage as a way to ensure the docility of Aleut and Yupik men, nearly all of whom were impressed into service as hunters.

      This created intense hardship for the elders, women, and children left behind. Hunting had provided most of their subsistence, and, with the hunters away or exhausted, many communities suffered from malnourishment or starvation in addition to the epidemic diseases that characterized European conquest throughout the Americas. Within a century of initial contact, the Aleut-speaking population had declined to no more than 2,000; at least 80 percent of their original number were gone. Around Kodiak Island and the Pacific coast, the decrease in roughly the same period was to about 3,000, a loss of about two-thirds. On the Bering Sea, where the fur trade was less intense, the loss was limited to about one-third or one-half of the population, all of it coming in the 19th century.

      In 1799 the Russian-American Company was granted what amounted to governance of the Russian colonies in the North Pacific. The company undertook a period of expansion and eventually ruled thousands of miles of coast, from the Bering Sea to northern California. Russian Orthodox (Russian Orthodox church) missionaries arrived at about the same time. They observed the brutalities committed against indigenous peoples, reported these to the tsar, and worked to ameliorate the horrendous conditions in the hostage villages. Although protective language was placed in the company's second charter, enforcement was haphazard. Nonetheless, and perhaps because the priests were clearly their advocates, many Aleuts and Yupiit converted to Orthodox Christianity.

      The U.S. government purchased Russian America in 1867 and subsequently imposed its assimilationist policies on Native Alaskans (see Alaska Purchase). Various forms of pressure were applied to ensure that native communities shifted from subsistence to wage labour, from the use of their own languages to English, and from Russian Orthodox traditions to mainline Protestantism, among other things.

      As elsewhere in the United States, these policies undermined indigenous traditions and generally caused local economies to shift from self-sufficiency and sustainability to a reliance on outside capital. As the sea otter neared extinction, some Yupik and Aleut communities shifted to the hunting of other fur-bearing mammals, such as seals and Arctic foxes. As among the neighbouring Northwest Coast Indians, (Northwest Coast Indian) other groups used their knowledge of local fisheries to ensure employment. These strategies met with various levels of success, but the native communities often faced circumstantial difficulties: demand for furs collapsed during the Great Depression of the 1930s, and fishermen had to cope with natural cycles in the population levels of various kinds of fish, the vagaries of consumer taste, and competition from better-equipped Euro-Americans.

      By the mid-20th century, international politics were also affecting large numbers of indigenous Alaskans. World War II saw the removal of whole Native Alaskan communities under the aegis of protection and national defense. After the war, having in some cases endured years of difficult “temporary” conditions, those who returned to their homes found them in disrepair and in some cases ransacked. The Cold War ensured that the military presence in Alaska would continue to grow until the late 20th century; new facilities were often placed on property that indigenous groups used and regarded as their own, creating further hardships.

Canada and northern Alaska
      The region from the Bering Strait northward and east to the Mackenzie River was untouched by Russians, but after the mid-19th century it was visited by great numbers of European and Euro-American whalers, who imported both disease and alcohol; the native population declined by two-thirds or more between 1850 and 1910. In far northern Canada the impact was lessened somewhat, for contact was limited and the thinly distributed populations more easily avoided the spread of disease. Nevertheless, European whalers active in Hudson Bay and elsewhere were a source of disease and disruption that resulted in a significant decline in native population in the 19th century.

      Intensive whaling, and later the hunting of walruses, depleted some of the major food sources of far northern communities and in some cases created localized hardship. However, whalers often recognized the technical skills of the northern Yupiit and the Inuit and arranged for various kinds of partnership; a Euro-American might reside with a local family for a winter, gaining food, shelter, and company while the family would gain labour-saving technology, such as metal knives, steel needles, and rifles.

      Widespread difficulties arose with the imposition of assimilationist policies by the United States and Canada and later, after the discovery of gold, oil, and mineral resources in the region. By the late 19th century, church-sponsored experiments in reindeer herding were promoting assimilation in northern Alaska. These ventures generally failed due to their incompatibility with the local culture; people were accustomed to moving widely across the landscape but also had the habit of returning frequently to their home communities, a practice that quickly caused overgrazing near settlements. In addition, Euro-American entrepreneurs generally had enough capital to crowd out native reindeer operations. Gold strikes on Canada's Klondike River in 1896 and near Nome, Alaska, in 1898 shifted attention away from indigenous economic development, incidentally providing many northern Native Alaskans with a welcome opportunity to return to traditional modes of subsistence.

      As in western and southwestern Alaska, the northern parts of Alaska and Canada saw an increase in military facilities during and after World War II. By the 1950s and '60s, concerns about environmental degradation and land seizures caused Native Alaskans to file lawsuits to halt the development of oil and other resources. These suits eventually led to the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971, in which the United States agreed to provide to Alaskan natives some $962.5 million and 44 million acres of land, all to be administered through native-run corporations. For administrative purposes and to encourage local development, the state was divided among 12 regional native corporations (seven of them Inuit or Yupik, one Aleut, and the rest Indian), each including a series of village corporations in which individual natives were sole shareholders. A 13th corporation serves Native Alaskans who reside outside the state. The corporations have promoted housing, local schools, satellite communications facilities, medical facilities, and programs directed at alcohol abuse and have provided a training ground for native politicians active in state government, where they represent an increasingly sophisticated native citizenry.

      Canada did not seek direct rule over the northern coastal region until the early 20th century, and the Canadian Inuit have had the same opportunities to vote and hold office as other Canadians only since about 1960—a time that coincides with the creation of increasingly stable settlements, the extension of social welfare, a decline in the importance of the traditional hunting economy, and the beginnings of native organizations that seek the recognition of the Inuit as a distinct people with rights of self-governance and to lands and traditional culture.

 Canada's Inuit proved quite adept at effecting political change. In the mid-1970s the province of Quebec took from the dominion government all political responsibility for relationships with Inuit residing there; Inuit communities soon organized into village corporations with defined rights to land and resources. At about the same time, the Northwest Territories elected people of aboriginal descent to a majority of the 15 seats then in the territorial legislative assembly; in 1979 the first Inuit was elected to one of the two Northwest Territories seats in the national House of Commons. A proposal to divide the Northwest Territories into two parts, the eastern to include the major Inuit territory, was submitted to a plebiscite in 1982. The proposal won heavily in the east but only narrowly overall. It eventually passed, and what had been the eastern part of the Northwest Territories became the territory of Nunavut in 1999.

Contemporary developments
      During the 20th century, indigenous populations throughout the American Arctic were regenerating. After World War II, national health systems reduced both chronic and acute infections, and populations doubled between 1950 and 1980. Early 21st-century population estimates indicated that the total population of persons self-identified as Inuit, Yupik, or Aleut stood at about 130,000 individuals in Canada and the United States, with approximately 45,000 additional individuals in Greenland.

      For native peoples throughout the Arctic, a key development from the late 20th century onward has been their sophisticated activism and increasing transnationalism. They were heavily involved in the broad global push for indigenous, or “Fourth World,” rights that had begun by the late 1960s and was encouraged by the civil rights movements of the so-called First World and the new independence of the formerly colonized Third World. In 1977 the Inuit Circumpolar Conference was formed by the Inuit peoples of Greenland, Canada, and Alaska; in 1983 it was recognized officially by the United Nations. By the early 21st century it represented some 150,000 individuals of Inuit and Yupik heritage, including those of Siberia. The Aleut International Association, a sister group, formed in 1998. These organizations are particularly active in promoting the preservation of indigenous cultures and languages and in protecting the northern environment from global warming and resource exploitation. They are two of the six indigenous associations and eight member states with permanent membership status in the Arctic Council, an international forum for intergovernmental research, cooperation, and advocacy that works frequently with the United Nations.

Don E. Dumond

The economy
      The Arctic has been little exploited for economic purposes, but, because it contains 8 percent of the surface of the planet and 15 percent of the land area, significant resources (both renewable and nonrenewable) may be reasonably assumed to be present. Some of these are known—and being utilized—but there could be enormous expansion if it is required and thought desirable. Exploration for mineral resources in particular has been far from exhaustive.

Mineral resources
      At the present time the most important resources are the minerals, especially hydrocarbons. Two of the world's major producing areas for oil and natural gas lie in the Arctic. Northwestern Siberia contains a petroliferous province discovered in the 1950s, stretching 500 miles from east to west and 750 miles from north to south and producing a large proportion of Russia's output of both oil and natural gas. The North Slope of Alaska produces about one-fifth of the U.S. output, but only 11 percent of U.S. consumption. There are smaller exploitations in the Canadian Northwest Territories (oil at Norman Wells) and elsewhere in Russia (oil and natural gas in the Pechora basin and natural gas in Sakha). Further large discoveries are likely. Drilling is proceeding offshore, and there are promising areas at many points north of Russia, where the continental shelf is very wide. Outside Russia there has been exploration off Svalbard and off both West and East Greenland, but without success. Successful development of these hydrocarbon resources depends largely on pipeline transport. Both the Siberian and the Alaskan fields are effectively served by this means.

      Hard-rock mining is also well developed, especially in Russia, where the former Soviet government's desire for national self-sufficiency provided a compelling spur. The major centres are located around Murmansk and Norilsk. The only significant source of diamonds in Russia is in Sakha. There is also gold, tin, nickel, copper, platinum, and cobalt, together with iron ore, coal, and apatite. All these are being worked. For the first four, the north provides probably the largest sources in the country. There is some mining in Alaska and Arctic Canada, especially of lead-zinc, but it is not such a significant addition to national resources as in Russia.

Biological resources
      Of renewable resources the most important is fish. The Barents, Greenland, and Bering seas all are rich fishing grounds, jointly producing about 10 percent of the world marine catch; but overfishing is threatening its continuation at present levels. The Russian fishing industry has its major base at Murmansk. Many of the boats operating from there do not, however, fish in northern waters. Murmansk is used because it is the only major port in the whole country that is ice-free year-round, but Russia maintains an extensive fishery in the Barents and Norwegian seas—areas from which other countries are effectively excluded by the rules governing exclusive economic zones (i.e., those areas adjacent to territorial seas to which countries retain exclusive rights to economic exploitation, though international navigation is permitted). There is also significant freshwater fishing, especially in Siberia, but it is relatively small in volume and—since it includes rare and delectable species, chiefly salmonids—caters to the luxury market. In Canada likewise the arctic char is a special delicacy.

      Whaling, once considerable, has ceased, but sealing continues in the White Sea and off Labrador, where there are populations of harp seal. The marine resources and the minerals cater largely to a demand arising outside the north.

      On land, reindeer is the chief biological resource. In Russia and Scandinavia, domesticated herds number about three million head and provide meat for many of the native peoples who tend them. There is a smaller population of wild reindeer (called caribou in North America), which are hunted in some areas. Historically, the resource that first attracted nonnatives was fur. It was the search for fur-bearing mammals such as the sable and the fox that drew Europeans across the north of Asia and America. The value of some furs was very high, and so the industry was able to establish a solid economic base that endured for several centuries. This has been eroded away by a shortage of fur-bearers, use of ranching techniques, replacement of fur by other materials, and, most recently, by the objections of environmentalists.

      There is little growing of crops. Although frost-resistant varieties of cereals and vegetables have been bred, it has proved cheaper and easier to import food from the south. The major crop is hay, which is necessary in parts of the subarctic where cows and horses are kept (for instance, in Sakha).

Other renewable resources
      A resource that is renewable but not biological is fresh water. Several of the world's largest rivers flow into the Arctic Ocean. This offers the opportunity for two possible developments. The first is to divert the flow, or part of it, to regions short of water; the second (and the two are not mutually exclusive) is to use the energy in hydroelectric schemes. River diversion in the north has been much discussed, particularly in Russia, but has not been put into practice, partly for environmental reasons. Arctic waters in Eurasia and North America were to have been diverted to Central Asia and California, respectively. Hydroelectric stations have been built at relatively low latitudes; the most ambitious schemes, which would have been near the river mouths, were not constructed. These giant engineering projects seemed to hold a special attraction for Soviet designers, and the hydroelectric stations that were built—at Krasnoyarsk and Bratsk, for example—were at the time among the largest in the world.

      A rather different and perhaps not wholly renewable resource is tourism. During the second half of the 20th century there was a striking growth of this potentially profitable industry, especially in the North American sector. Sport hunting and fishing are offered to small parties traveling mainly by light aircraft. Conservation groups use the same services. Cruise ships have visited Svalbard and Arctic Norway and have crossed the Kara Sea to and from the Yenisey estuary. The Northwest Passage has been traversed, and, most spectacular of all, the Soviet nuclear-powered icebreaker Rossiya took a party of tourists to the North Pole itself in 1990. With tourism, however, there is a danger that success may destroy the resource. Solitude and lack of human activity are among the attractions of the Arctic, and increased tourist development could reduce their appeal.

Water transport
      Because the Arctic is an ocean surrounded by land, it is not surprising that waterways were the first means of transport. Northern natives plied the rivers and lakes in canoes and kayaks, and southerners coming into the area arrived in larger ships either across the seas or down the rivers. The phase of exploration known as the expansion of Europe, beginning in the 15th century, included a search for water routes around the northern end of the continents of the Northern Hemisphere: the Northwest and Northeast Passages. Neither route was discovered for another three centuries, but both are in use today for at least part of, and occasionally along the whole of, their lengths.

      The greatest use of water transport is in Russia. The sea route along the north coast of Eurasia, at first known as the Northeast Passage and later called the Northern Sea Route, carries the largest volume of traffic of any Arctic seaway. Serviced by about 20 icebreakers of more than 10,000 shaft horsepower—some of them nuclear-powered—a fleet of ice-strengthened freighters carries cargoes totaling several million tons annually to and from the termini at Murmansk and Vladivostok. The shallowness of the water obliges the use of relatively small ships of up to 20,000 tons deadweight. The major constraint is sea ice, which determines the length of the season. This is as little as two and a half months at some points, but at the western end year-round navigation is possible as far as the Yenisey River. Strenuous efforts have been made to extend the season, if possible to the point at which it will be year-round over the whole length. Another possibility for the future could be navigation across the central polar basin, significantly reducing the distance between the termini. But such developments would require further heavy investment in ships and would have to take into account any worsening of the ice conditions (which is predicted by some observers). The present route serves ports at the mouth of the major rivers, the principal freight being general cargo and fuel into the north and ore and timber out of it. The option of using the route for transit between the Atlantic and Pacific is little exercised, but Soviet authorities occasionally tried to interest foreign shippers in doing this. There is also extensive use of the rivers themselves: all the major and many of the minor rivers carry large fleets of barges, tugs, and hydrofoils.

      While Russia carries the most traffic, both by sea and by inland waterway, the medium is exploited in other areas too. There is traffic between Greenland and its mother country, Denmark, and in North America both Canada and the United States use sea routes to supply settlements and industrial sites in the Canadian archipelago and Alaska. The Northwest Passage as such is little used, and indeed the Canadian government claims that is not an international waterway but is wholly under Canadian control—a view disputed by the United States, which in 1985 sent a ship through it and pointedly refrained from asking Canadian permission to do so. Under the terms of a 1988 agreement, the United States began seeking Canadian approval for traversing the passage.

Land transport
      Land transport is less well developed. The expense of building a road or railbed is generally prohibitive in an area with such low population and such great distances between centres. In the American north there is only one railway, the Alaska Railroad, which runs from the port of Seward on the south coast to Fairbanks in the interior. There are more roads, chief among them the Alaska Highway, which traverses the Yukon Territory to provide a land link between the continental United States and Alaska, which was thought to be essential in World War II. A Canadian branch off this road, the Dempster Highway, reaches Inuvik, Northwest Territories, in the Mackenzie River delta.

      Greenland has no intercity roads or railways. The Scandinavian north is linked to its southern metropolises by a railway that reaches the north coast of Norway at Narvik and a road running along the coast as far as the Russian frontier. Russia contains the longest stretch of both rail and road. There are railways to Murmansk, to the mouth of the Ob River, to the Pur River, and, under construction, to Yakutsk. A line, not linked to the national rail network, connects Norilsk with the Yenisey River at Dudinka. Roads include the Magadan Highway, a mirror image of the Alaska Highway that was built in the mid-20th century. Mention should also be made of vehicles capable of traveling off the road, usually in winter when the ground is hard. These vehicles have been developed in both the United States and Russia, but they are generally not able to carry large loads.

Air transport
      The natural conditions of the northlands offer ideal scope for air transport. All sectors have well-developed networks of local scheduled services, and many centres of population are reachable only by air. Especially noteworthy for these services are Alaska and, to a lesser extent, Canada, where light aircraft, often privately owned, carry much of the passenger traffic. In Greenland, where airfield construction is difficult and often impossible, a helicopter service links the coastal settlements. Hovercraft, which seemed well suited to Arctic operations, were tested in the Canadian north and found disappointing.

      Since the 1950s, long-distance flights between Europe and North America have traversed Arctic air space. At first they used routes pioneered by military aircraft in World War II; then, as aircraft range increased, nonstop flights between western Europe and the American west coast followed great circles farther north, sometimes passing within 600 miles of the North Pole.

Human resources
      All these activities, in production as well as in transportation, require manpower, and this is difficult to acquire in the northlands. The local indigenous population is unlikely to have the necessary skills, at least in the early stages, and may not wish to participate. An immigrant labour force must be recruited, and the most effective way to do this is to set high wage rates. All the Arctic countries have done so, but, whereas in North America the policy is to pay whatever is necessary to attract the workers, the Soviet Union established a more elaborate system, based on a sliding scale with a fixed increase in wages every 6 or 12 months. The rate of increase depended on the climate and remoteness of the particular locality. The worker in the north would, after a period of about five years, be earning up to twice the wage paid for the same job in the south. This system worked quite well but did not solve the problem of the shortage of labour. Schemes to train native workers have been introduced in many places, with some success. In Canada, firms are legally required to initiate such schemes. But the native peoples are few in numbers, and it can be argued that they are more useful to society as a whole if they are able to continue their traditional pursuits and maintain skills that incoming southerners do not have.

Political and environmental issues
      The eight countries claiming Arctic territory—Russia, Canada, the United States, Denmark (Greenland), Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Iceland—have different systems of central administration and therefore administer their northlands in different ways. All of them, it may be noted, are technologically advanced states with a relatively high standard of living. But Iceland is the only one in which there is no distinction between a national centre and an Arctic periphery: it lies wholly within the Arctic as defined for this article and has no indigenous northern people distinct from the majority. The other countries have had to devise a relationship with their Arctic territories in order to permit the operation of government. Greenland (Kalaallit Nunaat) was a colony of Denmark until 1979, when it obtained home rule under the Danish crown; in effect, all government activities take place in Greenland except in matters of foreign affairs and defense. The contiguous Scandinavian countries—Norway, Sweden, and Finland—treat their northlands as any other part of the country but give them special status in some legal contexts, particularly in matters relating to the northern natives (Sami). Norwegian sovereignty over Svalbard, however, is subject to special provisions agreed to internationally and set out in the Spitsbergen Treaty of 1920. Alaska, after its purchase by the United States from Russia in 1867, had various forms of colonial status until 1959, when it became a state. Its constitutional position is therefore like that of any other state, although, as in Scandinavia, there is federal legislation concerning the status of Alaska natives, and the feeling of dependence is still not wholly absent. In Canada most of the northlands lie in Nunavut, the Northwest Territories, and Yukon Territory, entities that are administered by the federal government but which have some local self-government. Russia makes no constitutional provision for Arctic territory but legislates for various activities, such as building regulations and labour law, in an Arctic setting. There has been pressure to set up an Arctic province, covering all the country's northlands, but this has never been done. Many, but not all, of the northern peoples of Russia acquired a limited degree of administrative autonomy under the former Soviet government. At first this did not give any real independence, though it conferred a certain status. But, with the radical changes of the early 1990s and the emergence of a sovereign Russia, the two most numerous native peoples—the Komi and the Sakha (Yakut)—seemed likely to make real gains in self-government.

Environmental concerns
      The growth of economic activity of many kinds in the Arctic has given rise to concern about the natural environment. While similar concern has been expressed in most parts of the world, the Arctic can be shown to be more vulnerable than elsewhere, and control is also more difficult to exercise. One area of disquiet is the damage that can be done by ships, especially in ice-filled waters. Sea ice is a potent agent for causing damage to a ship's hull or propeller and is a serious obstacle to cleanup operations. A particularly egregious example was the holing of the tanker Exxon Valdez in Prince William Sound, Alaska, in March 1989, although it was rock, not ice, that pierced the tanker's hull and released some 250,000 barrels of oil into the ocean. The operation of nuclear-powered ships in Arctic waters has caused public concern in Russia, and two nuclear submarines have sunk in Arctic waters—in the Norwegian Sea in 1989 and in the Barents Sea in 2000.

      Air pollution is another possible source of harm. Norway, Sweden, and Finland have complained to Russia about the release of harmful substances in smoke from the nickel refinery and other plants in the Kola Peninsula. American scientists in Alaska have detected nickel particles in the air emanating from Norilsk. The unpleasant and unhealthy phenomenon known as ice fog—whereby particulate matter suspended in the lower atmosphere is trapped by temperature inversion, reducing visibility and creating luminous pillars and haloes—is linked to air pollution.

      On the ground, there are many examples of large-scale and unsightly disturbance of the surface, whether by road building, opencut mining, vehicle movement across the tundra, or other human activities. Oil and gas fields have been particularly bad offenders in this respect. When work on them started—in the 1950s in Siberia and in the 1970s in North America—the reaction of frozen ground to heavy vehicle traffic was not yet widely known, so that many areas of swamp and uneven terrain were inadvertently created.

      Human activity has also exercised a strong influence on the wildlife of Arctic areas. Polar bear, walrus, musk ox, and caribou all have been greatly reduced in numbers through hunting. The danger was recognized, and protective legislation has been approved (international agreement on protection of the polar bear, achieved in 1973, was a landmark in this process). All the countries concerned established national parks and wildlife refuges in the late 20th century.

The Arctic in international affairs
      All land areas in the Arctic are subject to the sovereignty of one of the eight countries concerned, and there is no possibility of a new discovery of land that might cause argument. But this is not the case for sea areas. The phenomenon of “creeping sovereignty,” whereby nation-states claim rights in the sea areas adjacent to their coasts, has created problems. In particular, the boundary line at sea between two countries' exclusive economic zones has not in every case been agreed upon. The most pressing of these is the division between Norway and Russia of the Barents Sea continental shelf, an area that probably contains hydrocarbons. Another unresolved difficulty is the question of sovereignty—and therefore jurisdiction—over floating ice. An ice floe in the central Arctic basin, beyond exclusive economic zones, may have structures built on it and people living there. Questions arose at an American scientific station, T-3, when a murder was committed there. It was decided in this case to equate the station with a U.S. ship, and the trial was therefore held under U.S. law. But the argument is not closed, since the ship analogy may not always be appropriate.

      Strategy has played an important part in Arctic affairs since 1945. Up to then the technology necessary for operating in the region was largely lacking, but advances during and after World War II have opened the way to many sorts of activity. The Arctic Ocean is a mediterranean sea that lies, moreover, between the two powers long supposed most likely to be in conflict. Thus each side feared air attack across the Arctic Ocean and built chains of radar stations at high latitudes in its own territory to give warning of this. In North America four such chains were built successively—the Pinetree Line, the Mid-Canada Line, the Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line, and the Ballistic Missile Early Warning System (BMEWS). Another strategic use of the Arctic Ocean derives from its solid surface, which offers protection to submarines operating under the ice. Both U.S. and Soviet submarines made numerous and extensive patrols in this area, and mastery of the technique allowed Soviet missile-firing submarines (which were designed for this role) to target any part of U.S. territory from an ice-covered location in the Arctic Ocean, probably within close reach of their main base at Murmansk.

      Besides these war-oriented possibilities, the Arctic has in the past offered some opportunities for advancing peaceful causes. The openness and emptiness of the Arctic make it a good location for such confidence-building measures as the “open skies” schemes, whereby each side would allow the other to inspect from the air agreed pieces of its Arctic territory. The development of satellite imagery has reduced the relevance of such schemes, but there are still ways in which they could be useful. The former Soviet government took advantage of the remoteness factor to locate a nuclear weapons testing ground on the north island of Novaya Zemlya. Since the late 1980s the presence of the testing site has incurred much criticism from northern natives living in the region.

      Another important sphere of possible international cooperation is scientific study of the region. There has long been a sense of community among Arctic explorers of many nations, leading often to informal collaboration. In recent years this has become more formalized, and joint programs of investigation have been elaborated, particularly in the fields of geophysics and biology. Such programs have proliferated, and they vary greatly in size and scope. A need has been felt for coordination, perhaps along the lines of the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR), which worked successfully in the late 20th century. In 1990 the eight Arctic countries set up a nongovernmental International Arctic Science Committee (IASC); other countries with a serious interest in Arctic research could join in the work. It remains to be seen whether this committee, set up with the best intentions by a small group of active Arctic scientists, plays the helpful and useful role it was designed to do or whether it becomes one more bureaucratic obstacle to grassroots initiative.

      International cooperation of a different kind is manifested by the creation in 1977 of a Pan-Eskimo movement, the Inuit Circumpolar Conference (ICC). First proposed by an Alaskan native, Eben Hopson, this group has provided a forum for discussing issues of common interest to Inuit from the four Arctic countries in which they live—Russia, Canada, the United States, and Greenland. Recognized by the United Nations as a nongovernmental organization, it shows every sign of playing a significant role in Arctic affairs.

Terence Edward Armstrong

Study and exploration
 The earliest references to Arctic exploration (European exploration) are shrouded in obscurity as a result both of inaccurate ideas of the shape of the Earth and of primitive navigation techniques, which make it difficult to interpret early maps and accounts of voyages. Probably the first to approach the Arctic regions was a Greek, Pytheas, who in the 4th century BC made a voyage from the Mediterranean, around Britain, to a place he called Thule, variously identified as the Shetlands, Iceland, and Norway. The accounts of this remarkable explorer were for centuries discredited, but the idea of Thule, shrouded in fog and believed to be the end of the Earth, caught the imagination of many.

      Iceland is known to have been visited by Irish monks in the 8th and 9th centuries, but it was the Vikings (Viking) from Norway who settled the island, late in the 9th century. In the course of the next four centuries, these hardy sailors established trade routes to the White Sea, visited Greenland (c. 982) and founded two settlements on the southwest coast (which disappeared, for unknown reasons, before the 16th century), reached the coast of North America, and probably also reached Svalbard and Novaya Zemlya. However, they left scant records of their voyages, and many of the places they visited had to be rediscovered by others.

English and Dutch exploration of the Eurasian Arctic
 After a long period of inactivity following the decline of the Vikings, leadership in Arctic exploration was assumed in the early 16th century by the Dutch and the English (England). The motive was trade with the Far East. The known sea routes around the southern tips of Africa and South America had been claimed as a monopoly by Portugal and Spain, respectively, and were long and arduous besides; the overland routes were even worse. There remained, however, the northern latitudes, and the attempts by English and Dutch merchants to find a Northeast and a Northwest Passage strongly stimulated Arctic exploration.

      In 1553 the English sent three ships to the northeast under the command of Sir Hugh Willoughby, with Richard Chancellor (Chancellor, Richard) as chief pilot. Willoughby, with two ships, wintered in a harbour on the Kola Peninsula, where he and all his men perished. Chancellor, who in the Edward Bonaventure had become separated from the others in a gale, reached what is now Archangel (Arkhangelsk) and made an overland journey to Moscow (some 1,500 miles [2,400 km] in all) before returning home to England. It is interesting to note that these waters were already well known to Russian sailors, who used the route around North Cape (in Norway) to western Europe as early as 1496, but this was not generally known at the time.

      After Chancellor's voyage the Muscovy Company was formed, and a lucrative trade developed with Russia—the success of which rather distracted the minds of the English from the Northeast Passage. Nevertheless, in 1556 Stephen Borough sailed in the Searchthrift to try to reach the Ob River, but he was stopped by ice and fog at the entrance to the Kara Sea. Not until 1580 did another English expedition, under Arthur Pet and Charles Jackman, attempt its passage. They too failed to penetrate it, and England lost interest in searching for the Northeast Passage.

      In the meantime, however, the Dutch had taken up the search, largely because of the efforts of merchant and explorer Olivier Brunel (Brunel, Olivier), who in 1565 established a trading post at Archangel. In the course of an eventful career, Brunel made an overland journey to the Ob and in 1584 tried to reach it by sea, but like Pet and Jackman he got no farther than Yugorsky Shar Strait. He was followed by Willem Barents (Barents, Willem), an outstanding seaman and navigator, who in 1594 discovered Novaya Zemlya and sailed to its northern tip. As Barents coasted north, he noted the wreckage of ships and grave markers at many points along the shore, indicating that Russians had been there before him. His two companions, Cornelis Nai and Brant Tetgales, penetrated a little way through Yugorsky Shar Strait into the Kara Sea. In 1596, with Jan Cornelisz Rijp and Jacob van Heemskerck, he was more successful. Heading due north from Norway instead of following the coast around, Barents discovered Bear Island and Svalbard, which he mistook for Greenland. Rijp then went home with one ship, but Barents and Heemskerck in the other headed east and rounded the north end of Novaya Zemlya. They were forced to winter in Ice Haven on the northeast coast and thus became the first Europeans known to have wintered successfully in the Arctic. They built a house of driftwood and passed the season with remarkable fortitude and success; only two in their company died of scurvy. In the spring, the ship being hopelessly damaged, they escaped across the open Barents Sea in two small boats. Barents died on the journey. In 1609 Englishman Henry Hudson (Hudson, Henry) sailed in the Half Moon to the Barents Sea in the service of the Dutch East India Company, but his crew, afraid of having to winter like Barents, mutinied and forced him to sail west, where he explored the coast of North America north of Virginia and ascended the Hudson River.

Early Russian exploration
      By the end of the 16th century, the Russians had established a commercial route via the Arctic to the fur-trading centre of Mangazeya on the Taz River in western Siberia. From the mouth of the Northern (Severnaya) Dvina River, the route ran coastwise, through Yugorsky Shar Strait to the west coast of Yamal; to avoid the difficult ice conditions farther north, the shallow-drafted vessels crossed the peninsula to the Gulf of Ob via two opposing rivers and an intervening portage. Use of this route was officially discontinued relatively soon afterward as a result of prohibitions by Tsar Michael in 1616 and 1619, aimed in part against foreign interlopers and in part to control trade better.

      In 1581–82 the Cossack leader Yermak (Yermak Timofeyevich) crossed the Urals and conquered the Tatar khanate of Sibir, defeating its leader, Kuchum. In the summer of 1641 a detachment of Cossacks descended the Okhota River to the Pacific. Furs, extracted as tribute from the indigenous peoples, were the main driving force behind this phenomenal eastward surge, and the routes used were mainly riverine—by boat in summer and by sledge in winter. Nonetheless, during or shortly after this eastern expansion, attempts were made to utilize the central section of the Northeast Passage around the Taymyr Peninsula as a commercial route.

      In 1940 and 1945 workers at archaeological sites on Faddeya Island and on the mainland at Simsa Gulf in northeastern Taymyr recovered a remarkable collection of artifacts, including parts of a boat, the ruins of a log hut, human skeletal remains, firearms, bows and arrows, fragments of cloth and leather garments and footwear, abundant remains of furs, and 3,482 Russian coins, the latest of which dated to 1619. Interpretation of the evidence varies, but most likely these are the remains of a Russian expedition shipwrecked on this coast while attempting to sail from east to west (possibly from the Lena River) sometime about 1640. There are only vague references to this expedition in the literature, perhaps because it represented a clandestine attempt to circumvent official prohibitions on use of the riverine and overland routes farther south; i.e., these early Arctic seafarers did not want to advertise their activities.

      Farther east there was already substantial regular use of the Lena-Kolyma section of the Northeast Passage by the mid-17th century. The first Cossacks descended the Lena to its delta in 1633, and within a decade the entire coast from the mouth of the Olenek River to the mouth of the Kolyma River had been explored. By 1645 the first trading vessels were plying between the Kolyma and the Lena along the Arctic coast.

      In 1648 seven vessels under the command of the Cossack Semyon Dezhnyov (Dezhnyov, Semyon Ivanov) sailed east from the mouth of the Kolyma bound for the Anadyr River basin east of the Kolyma Mountains, which was rumoured to be rich in furs. Three of the vessels reached Cape Dezhnyov (the entrance to the Bering Strait), where one was wrecked. Running south, Dezhnyov's own vessel made a final landfall at Cape Olyutorsky, whence he and his men made their way north overland to the Anadyr. Thus, Dezhnyov was the first European to sail through the Bering Strait.

      In the 1720s Peter the Great (Peter I) mounted an ambitious operation to determine the geography of the Bering Strait area, because the documentation from Dezhnyov's voyage was still filed in the obscurity of the archives. He commissioned Vitus Bering (Bering, Vitus), a Danish officer in the Russian navy, for the task, and, after three years of preparation, Bering put to sea from the east coast of Kamchatka in the summer of 1728. He discovered St. Lawrence Island and the Diomedes and pushed well north through the Bering Strait into the Chukchi Sea but without sighting the Alaskan coast either outward or homeward bound. Hence, he could not know for sure that he had been in the Arctic Ocean. Four years later, during an expedition aimed at subduing the Chukchi people, Ivan Fyodorov and Mikhail Gvozdev sailed east from Cape Dezhnyov, discovered Cape Prince of Wales, and explored the coast to the vicinity of Nome, thereby becoming the first Europeans to see any part of Alaska.

      At that point the Russian Admiralty mounted an operation that to the present day has had no equal in the history of polar exploration: the Great Northern Expedition of 1733–43. The undertaking was again under the command of Bering but consisted of seven separate detachments totaling 977 men, each responsible for exploring different sections of the Arctic or Pacific coast. The vessels involved were repeatedly blocked by ice and were forced to winter in the Arctic or to return to base and try again the following year. Even after eight years of effort, a crucial gap still remained along the north coast of the Taymyr Peninsula, which was filled by parties traveling by dog sledge. One of these, led by Semyon Chelyuskin, reached Cape Chelyuskin, the northernmost tip of Eurasia, in 1741. The other major gap (which was not traveled by either land or sea) extended from just east of the Kolyma's mouth to the Bering Strait.

      Almost all the exploring parties endured extreme hardships, and there were numerous deaths from scurvy, including Bering and the leader of one of the other parties and his wife. But the entire Arctic coast was surveyed and charted from Archangel to Cape Bolshoy Baranov, quite apart from the achievements of the better-known Pacific detachment led by Bering and Aleksey Chirikov. The expedition produced 62 maps and charts of the Arctic coast and Kamchatka, generally of a very high standard, at a time when the Arctic coast of North America was totally unknown north of Hudson Bay and west of Baffin Bay.

      The charts, soundings, and sailing directions compiled during the expedition were invaluable to later navigators, but the problems encountered by all the detachments owing to ice led to the conclusion in Russian government circles that the concept of a navigable Northeast Passage was totally impracticable. Indeed, the only other Russian attempt at navigating any portion of the passage in the 18th century was made by a trader, Nikita Shalaurov, although he did have government approval. He tried to sail east from the Kolyma to the Bering Strait in 1762 but was foiled by ice; trying again in 1764, he and his party disappeared. The Chukchi later told of finding the expedition's wintering site littered with skeletons.

      This troublesome gap from Chaun Bay to the Bering Strait was partly filled by the English navigator James Cook (Cook, James) in 1778 when he sailed northward through the Bering Strait and pushed as far west as Cape North (now Cape Shmidt). This initiative provoked Catherine II (the Great) of Russia to mount an expedition to explore the Chukchi Peninsula. She recruited Joseph Billings, who had been assistant astronomer with Cook; in 1791 Billings and a party of seven landed at St. Lawrence Bay and traveled west overland to Nizhnekolymsk. But it was not until 1823 that the gap in the north coast of Chukchi was finally mapped, by Ferdinand Petrovich Wrangel (Wrangel, Ferdinand Petrovich). With orders to survey the coast east from Cape Shelagsky and to investigate rumours of land to the north, over three seasons (1821–23) he surveyed the coast to Kolyuchin Bay and attempted (unsuccessfully) to reach a landmass (now named Wrangel Island) reported by the local Chukchi as being visible from Cape Yakan in clear weather. During the same period, Pyotr F. Anzhu surveyed the New Siberian Islands and made repeated efforts to locate land rumoured to lie north of that archipelago.

Conquest of the Northeast Passage
      Later in the century a foreign attempt at the Northeast Passage, although unsuccessful, resulted in substantial new discoveries. In 1872 an Austro-Hungarian expedition aboard the Tegetthoff under the command of Karl Weyprecht (Weyprecht, Karl) and Julius Payer mounted an attempt on the passage from the west, intending to winter at either Cape Chelyuskin or the New Siberian Islands. Instead, the ship was beset in the Barents Sea, and as it drifted north it came within sight of Franz Josef Land. A sledge party led by Payer explored much of the eastern part of the archipelago in 1874.

      Finally, in 1878–79 the Northeast Passage was conquered by a Swedish expedition aboard the Vega, led by Adolf Erik, Baron Nordenskiöld (Nordenskiöld, Adolf Erik, Baron). Traveling from west to east, the Vega was forced by ice conditions to winter at Kolyuchin Bay, just short of the Bering Strait, and completed the passage the following spring. The first Russian traverse of the passage was not achieved until 1914–15 by the Arctic Ocean Hydrographic Expedition of 1910–15. Two small ice-breaking steamers, Taymyr and Vaygach, built expressly for the expedition at St. Petersburg in 1909, made a reconnaissance foray into the Chukchi Sea in the fall of 1910. Over the next three seasons they pushed progressively farther west along the Arctic coast of Siberia, sounding and surveying as they went and returning each winter to Vladivostok. In 1913 they discovered an archipelago north of the Taymyr Peninsula, which was named Emperor Nicholas II Land (now Severnaya Zemlya). In 1914, under the command of Captain Boris A. Vilkitsky, the two ships set off westward intending to reach Archangel, but they were forced to winter on the west coast of Taymyr and completed the through passage in the summer of 1915.

      During that period there had been two private attempts at the Northeast Passage from the west end, both starting in 1912. In one case the Svyataya Anna, commanded by Georgy L. Brusilov, was beset in the ice of the Kara Sea and drifted almost due north, then west past the north coasts of Franz Josef Land. There 14 men left it in the spring of 1914 to sledge south to Franz Josef Land. The fate of the ship and of the 10 people still on board is unknown; of those who left the ship, only 2 survived. In the other case, that of the geologist Vladimir A. Rusanov, the expedition vessel, Gerkules, entered the Kara Sea around the north end of Novaya Zemlya late in the season in 1912. None of the 11 members of the expedition survived, and remains have been found along the southeastern shores of the Kara Sea.

      The first attempt at the passage mounted by the Soviet regime came in 1932. The ice-breaking steamer Sibiryakov (originally the Newfoundland sealing steamer Bellaventure) attempted the passage from west to east; after rounding the northern tip of Severnaya Zemlya and calling at Tiksi and the mouth of the Kolyma, it lost its propeller in ice just prior to reaching the Bering Strait and finally emerged through the strait under improvised sails. The following season the steamer Chelyuskin fared even worse; having almost reached the Bering Strait from the west, it became beset in the ice, was finally crushed, and sank in the Chukchi Sea. The first accident-free, one-season passage of the Northeast Passage was made from west to east by the icebreaker Fedor Litke (originally the Canadian icebreaker Earl Grey) in 1934. In the following season it escorted the first freighters through the passage in the opposite direction.

      Since then, hundreds of vessels have completed the passage in both directions, although through passages represent only a small fraction of the total traffic in Russian Arctic waters, most of which moves between either end of the passage to transshipment ports at the mouths of the major Siberian rivers. A 12-month season has been attained for traffic moving between the west and Dudinka, the major transshipment port at the mouth of the Yenisey. The entire passage—usually called the northern sea route in Russia—is navigable from late June to late November. Since 1991 it has been open to international shipping. Although the experiment has not been repeated since, in 1978 the nuclear-powered icebreaker Sibir escorted a freighter from the Atlantic to the Pacific by a high-latitude variant of the Northeast Passage, north of Novaya Zemlya, Severnaya Zemlya, and the New Siberian Islands.

Early voyages of exploration
      The search for the Northwest Passage may be said to have begun with the European discovery of America, for the voyages of Jacques Cartier and his successors to the St. Lawrence and John Cabot and the brothers Gaspar and Miguel Corte-Real to Newfoundland and Labrador were all undertaken with the aim of finding the passage. The first such voyage to enter the Arctic, however, was that of the English navigator Martin (later Sir Martin) Frobisher (Frobisher, Sir Martin) in 1576. Frobisher set out with the Gabriel and Michael and made his North American landfall on the southeast coast of Baffin Island. In the Gabriel Frobisher sailed about 60 miles (100 km) up the long inlet named for him, which he took to be a strait, and brought home a rock sample that was identified wrongly as containing gold. The Northwest Passage was forgotten, and in the next two years Frobisher made two further voyages for the sole purpose of establishing a gold mine. The last voyage was an astonishing enterprise involving 15 ships. The ships, however, were scattered by storms; at least one was sunk; and Frobisher, unable to set up his colony, loaded the remaining ships with ore and returned home, only to find that his cargo was worthless.

      Next to seek the passage was another Englishman, John Davis (Davis, John), one of the finest of the early seamen and something of a scientist as well. In three voyages, 1585–87, Davis rediscovered Greenland (lost to Europeans since the decline of the Norse settlements); he visited the southeast coast and sailed up the west coast to beyond Disko Island (72° N). He also traced the coasts of Baffin Island and Labrador from Cape Dyer south. He explored Cumberland Sound and noted, but did not enter, Frobisher Bay and Hudson Strait.

      In 1602 George Weymouth sailed a short way into Hudson Strait, and in 1610 Henry Hudson (Hudson, Henry), on his last voyage, sailed the Discovery into Hudson Bay and south to James Bay, where he was forced to winter. In the spring there was a mutiny aboard; Hudson and about eight of his crew, including his young son, were set adrift in a small boat to die, while the mutineers sailed the ship home. Retribution, however, overtook the ringleaders in Hudson Strait, where they were killed by Inuit (Eskimos). The remnant that reached England in September was imprisoned; nothing was ever heard from the deserted men.

      Thomas (later Sir Thomas) Button (Button, Sir Thomas) in 1612–13 (with Robert Bylot, a survivor of the Discovery voyage, as pilot) was the first to reach the west coast of Hudson Bay, wintering near the site of York Factory and discovering Roes Welcome Sound; William Baffin (Baffin, William), again with Bylot, sailed up the northeast coast of Southampton Island in 1615; Jens Munk, a Dane, wintered at the mouth of the Churchill River in 1619–20, where nearly all his men died of scurvy, only Munk and two others surviving to sail home; and in 1631 Luke Foxe sailed into Foxe Channel.

      In the meantime, Baffin, the outstanding navigator of his day, had explored Baffin Bay (1616), but the significance of this exploration was not recognized for 200 years. With Bylot as master of his ship (Hudson's old Discovery), Baffin sailed up the west coast of Greenland to the head of Baffin Bay (latitude 78° N) and down the west side of the bay, discovering the three sounds that lead out of it—Smith, Jones, and Lancaster. However, he reported that all three were merely bays and that there was no passage out of Baffin Bay. Further, his map was never published, and in time the very existence of “Baffin's Bay” came to be doubted.

      In 1719 James Knight sailed into Hudson Bay with two ships in search of the passage and wintered on Marble Island, where he built a house. According to Inuit reports, all the men died, although two of them allegedly survived two winters. In 1741 Christopher Middleton also entered the bay with two vessels and wintered at the Hudson's Bay Company's post at Churchill. In the spring of 1742 he coasted north, discovered and explored Wager Bay and Repulse Bay, and then headed for home convinced that there was no Northwest Passage accessible from Hudson Bay. Almost incredibly, his sponsor, Arthur Dobbs, refused to believe this, suspecting that Middleton had found the Northwest Passage but was concealing the evidence, having been bribed to do so by his former employer, the Hudson's Bay Company. Dobbs therefore dispatched a further expedition. In 1746 William Moor and Francis Smith retraced Middleton's route almost exactly; they wintered at York Factory and in the summer of 1747 again probed the northwestern shores of the bay. Their only real addition to knowledge was to discover Chesterfield Inlet and establish that it too was not the entrance to the Northwest Passage.

19th-century attempts at the passage
      The end of the Napoleonic Wars had left the British navy relatively unemployed, and the British government, spurred by the enthusiasm of Sir John Barrow, second secretary to the admiralty, was persuaded to equip a whole series of large naval expeditions for the discovery of the Northwest Passage. The first of them, under Captain John Ross (Ross, Sir John) in 1818, retraced almost exactly Baffin's journey of two centuries earlier and repeated his error of mistaking the sounds for bays. Second in command to Ross was William (later Sir William) Parry (Parry, Sir Hubert, Baronet). He was not convinced that no sound existed, and in 1819–20, in HMS Hecla and Griper, he made a voyage through Lancaster Sound to Melville Island, where he wintered. Blocked by ice in M'Clure Strait, he next (1821–23) tried the route through Foxe Channel, spending two winters in Foxe Basin. Again he was stopped by ice in the narrow Fury and Hecla Strait (named for the two ships he used on this expedition). A number of rather unsuccessful ventures followed. Parry on a third voyage (1824–25) explored Prince Regent Inlet; Captain George Francis Lyon and Captain George Back made unsuccessful attempts to reach Repulse Bay; and John (later Sir John) Ross, on a privately financed venture in 1829–33, sailed down Prince Regent Inlet into the Gulf of Boothia, passing by one of the keys to the Northwest Passage, the narrow Bellot Strait between Somerset Island and the Boothia Peninsula, the northernmost tip of the North American continent. The latter expedition added greatly to the extent of mapped territory, mostly through the work of Ross's nephew, James (later Sir James) Clark Ross (Ross, Sir James Clark), who established the position of the North Magnetic Pole (then in southwestern Boothia Peninsula). After three winters trapped in the ice, Ross had to abandon his ship, the Victory, and retreat by sledge and boat, spending a fourth winter on the way before being picked up by a whaler in Lancaster Sound.

      In the meantime, the British were also attacking the problem from the west by both sea and land. In 1819–22 and 1825–27 two expeditions under John (later Sir John) Franklin (Franklin, Sir John), working overland and by boat from wintering bases in the Mackenzie River basin, surveyed the coastline from Turnagain Point, about 200 miles (320 km) east of the Coppermine River, to Cape Beechey, Alaska. There Franklin almost made contact with the survey of Lieutenant Frederick William Beechey, who in 1825–26 reached Point Barrow from the west. In 1833–35 Captain George Back discovered the Back River and mapped it to its mouth in Chantrey Inlet, and in 1837–39 Peter Warren Dease and Thomas Simpson, Hudson's Bay Company employees, made three coastal journeys by boat, filling in the gap in the Alaska coastline left by Franklin and joining Franklin's survey to Back's at Chantrey Inlet. In 1847 another Hudson's Bay Company employee, John Rae (Rae, John), joined Parry's Fury and Hecla Strait survey to Ross's survey in the Gulf of Boothia. Rae was a most remarkable traveler, far ahead of his time in adopting Inuit methods and living off the land.

      Most of the continental coastline and a considerable amount of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago had now been charted, and still the Northwest Passage remained elusive. The British government sent out one last expedition. This was the famous and tragic last voyage of Sir John Franklin, who sailed into Lancaster Sound in 1845 in HMS Erebus and Terror and was never seen again. The loss of that expedition produced a reaction of profound shock and resulted in a 12-year search that contributed tremendously to geographic knowledge. At its peak in 1850, as many as 14 ships were in the area at the same time, and a further expedition was at work from the mainland. The story eventually pieced together was that Franklin had wintered at Beechey Island at the west end of Lancaster Sound, after having sailed up Wellington Channel to latitude 77° N, and in the spring of 1846 turned south down Peel Sound, hitherto unnavigated, to Victoria Strait, off the north tip of King William Island in 1859, where his ships eventually had to be abandoned. There were no survivors.

      The first to become anxious was Sir John Richardson, who in 1847–49 conducted a search along the northwest mainland coast, accompanied by Rae. The first official search parties were sent out in 1848; Sir James Clark Ross, with the Enterprise and Investigator, was to enter from the east, and Captain Henry Kellett, with the Herald and Plover, had orders to stand by in the Bering Strait to meet Franklin on his way out. Ross wintered on Somerset Island and traced most of its coastline before returning in 1849 without news. In 1850–51 Captain Horatio Austin wintered with four ships off the south coast of Cornwallis Island, from which base extensive sledge trips traced many miles of coastline. Two more ships, under Captain William Penny, a whaler, were in the same area, as was also Sir John Ross, then 73 but still active. The first U.S. expedition to the Arctic, financed by Henry Grinnell and led by Edwin J. de Haven, sailed in two ships to Wellington Channel. Franklin's winter quarters at Beechey Island were found by Austin's and Penny's expeditions, but no record had been left to point the way from there.

      At the same time, in 1850, Captain Richard Collinson was to enter from the west and meet Austin in a pincer movement. His two ships became separated in the Pacific, however, and operated independently. Commander Robert (later Sir Robert) McClure (McClure, Sir Robert John Le Mesurier) in the Investigator discovered Prince of Wales Strait, rounded Banks Island by the west, and entered Mercy Bay on the north coast, where the ship remained frozen in for two years and was finally abandoned. McClure and his men were rescued by another expedition and returned home in 1854 by the eastern route. Thus, he was the first to make the Northwest Passage, though in more than one ship and partly on foot. Collinson in the Enterprise spent three years on Victoria Island, reaching Victoria Strait. There he was within a short distance of the place where Franklin's ships had been abandoned, as had also been Rae, traveling by boat two years earlier. Neither found any clues. In 1852 a private expedition financed by Lady Franklin and led by a whaling captain, William Kennedy, discovered Bellot Strait, named for a French volunteer in the search.

      After this the search moved north, which was generally thought to be the most likely direction; in 1852 Captain Edward Inglefield in the Isabel sailed north up Smith Sound to 78°35′ N, and another large expedition, under Sir Edward Belcher and Henry Kellett, sailed into Lancaster Sound with Austin's four ships plus a supply vessel, the North Star. Splitting into an eastern and a western party and spending two winters in the Arctic, this expedition mapped many miles of new coastline north of Lancaster Sound, rescued the survivors of McClure's expedition, and then without apparent justification abandoned all four ships in the ice and sailed home in the North Star. One ship, the Resolute, was found drifting in good condition in Davis Strait in September 1855 by an American whaler, who took the vessel south to New England. The U.S. government purchased the ship, refitted it, and presented it to the British government.

      In 1853 an American, Elisha Kane, sailed in the Advance to Kane Basin, wintering twice and searching northward to Kennedy Channel. In the same year, Rae was sent by the Hudson's Bay Company to complete the charting of the mainland coast between Chantrey Inlet and Boothia. It was this expedition that brought back the first real news, obtained by Rae from Inuit in Pelly Bay and backed by identifiable relics. The British government considered the search closed, but Lady Franklin was not satisfied; she financed a final expedition in the Fox under Captain Francis Leopold McClintock. He traveled around the coasts of King William Island in 1859, finding many bodies and relics of the expedition and also the only record left by it, at Victory Point. Subsequent expeditions, particularly since 1990, have found more human remains and artifacts on King William Island.

Traverses of the passage in the 20th century
      Thus, the Northwest Passage was at last found to be a reality, and official recognition went to McClure as its discoverer, though Franklin too had proved its existence and should share the honour. An unsuccessful attempt to navigate it was made by Allen Young in the Pandora in 1875. In 1903 the great Norwegian explorer Roald Amundsen (Amundsen, Roald) sailed down Peel Sound in his tiny yacht Gjöa and passed around the east side of King William Island, where he spent two winters taking magnetic and other scientific observations. After a third winter spent west of the Mackenzie, he passed through the Bering Strait in 1906, becoming the first to navigate the Northwest Passage. It was navigated again in 1940–42 and 1944 by Henry A. Larsen of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in the St. Roch, west-east by way of Bellot Strait and east-west in one season by Prince of Wales Strait. In 1954 the first passage by a deep-draught vessel was made by HMCS Labrador, a Canadian naval icebreaker. In 1969 the Manhattan, the largest and most powerful commercial ship ever built in the United States to that time, smashed through some 650 miles (1,050 km) of ice between Baffin Bay and Point Barrow, Alaska, to assess the commercial feasibility of the passage. Some tours are now conducted through all or sections of the Northwest Passage, but it has not been used as a regular commercial route.

whale fisheries and the fur trade
      Many advances in geographic knowledge came about directly or indirectly because of the whale fisheries that flourished in the Arctic for three centuries. Much of the geographic knowledge accumulated by the whalers was never recorded and died with them; some, especially in the early days, was deliberately suppressed so as to keep it from competitors, but a great deal did find its way onto the maps. The coasts of Svalbard were first mapped by Dutch and English whalers, and the Dutchman Cornelis Giles discovered an island east of Svalbard that was long known as Giles (Gillis) Land, now Kvit Island. Later details were added by Norwegian sealers. The considerable part played by whaling captains in the Franklin search has already been noted; in addition, the names of many whalers are perpetuated on the maps of Baffin Island and Hudson Bay. A whaler, William Adams, established the insularity of Bylot Island, and another, George Comer, made the first complete map of Southampton Island. Farther west, Wrangel Island was discovered by Thomas Long, an American whaler.

      By far the most famous of the whalers were the William Scoresbys (Scoresby, William), father and son (Scoresby, William). Scoresby Sr., a farmer's son, was a first-rate navigator, invented the crow's nest and other aids to ice navigation, and was the first to suggest the use of sledges to reach the pole. His son, who inherited his father's talents and added to them a scientific education, wrote two important books on the Arctic. In 1806 the Scoresbys reached latitude 81°12′ N, north of Spitsbergen, a record northing at the time, and in 1822 the younger Scoresby made a detailed map of the east coast of Greenland from 75° to 69° N.

      Just as whaling led to improved knowledge of the coastlines, the fur trade helped to open the interiors of Arctic lands. The formation of the Hudson's Bay Company was a direct result of the 17th-century voyages into Hudson Bay in search of the Northwest Passage. Following an exploratory British voyage by Captain Zachariah Gillam in 1668, the company was incorporated in 1670 and a trading post established at the foot of James Bay. Soon posts were set up on the west side of the bay at York Factory and Churchill, and these served as bases for further exploration. Samuel Hearne (Hearne, Samuel) was sent to look for a source of copper that had been reported by Indians who traded at the coast; he set out from Churchill with a band of Indians in 1770–71 and with them made a remarkable journey to the mouth of the Coppermine River, returning by way of Great Slave Lake. In 1789 Alexander Mackenzie (Mackenzie, Alexander) of the rival North West Company of Montreal traveled by canoe from Lake Athabasca down the Mackenzie River to the sea, establishing a second known point on the Arctic coast. By the time the two companies merged in 1821, there were trading posts on Great Slave Lake and down the Mackenzie to Fort Good Hope; it was the existence of these posts that made possible the overland expeditions of Franklin and his successors, among whom were many Hudson's Bay Company men.

      Pushing westward from the Mackenzie through the mountains and into Alaska, the Hudson's Bay Company met Russian traders working from the west coast. The Russians had established a colony in Alaska toward the end of the 18th century and carried on a vigorous trade at Kodiak, Sitka, and other settlements. In 1831 Ferdinand Petrovich Wrangel, governor of the colony from 1829 to 1834, established a post on St. Michael's Island and had the lower Yukon explored. Competition and strife between the Russian and British traders ended when the United States purchased Alaska in 1867, and the Alaska-Yukon boundary was jointly surveyed.

Attempts from Svalbard and Greenland
 The North Pole did not become in itself a goal of exploration until fairly late; the few early expeditions that tried to reach the pole were looking for a polar route to the East rather than for the pole itself. After Hudson's first attempt in 1607, nearly two centuries elapsed before the next one. The initiator of this attempt was Mikhail Vasilyevich Lomonosov (Lomonosov, Mikhail Vasilyevich), who, like so many others at the time (and for the following 100 years), firmly believed in the existence of an open polar sea. Implementing Lomonosov's plan, in 1764 the Russian Admiralty dispatched an expedition to establish an advance base at Bellsund in Svalbard under the command of Vasily Yakovlevich Chichagov. The next year, with three ships, Chichagov pushed north to 80°26′ N before being forced by ice to retreat. Seven years later Captain John Constantine Phipps of the Royal Navy, in two ships, Racehorse and Carcass, tried to reach the pole from the same starting point but fared no better; in 1818 David Buchan and John Franklin in Dorothea and Trent were no more successful.

      All these attempts had been in the area between Greenland and Svalbard, which actually was not the accessible route to the Arctic Ocean that it appeared to be, owing to the strong southerly drift of the ice. The Franklin search opened a new route, up the west coast of Greenland. In 1860 American Isaac Israel Hayes (Hayes, Isaac Israel) attempted to reach the pole by this route in the schooner United States. Hayes was a firm believer that the polar sea was ice-free and that it could be reached by breaking through the fringing belt of pack ice. Ironically, he met with unusually heavy ice conditions and got only as far as Etah on the coast of Smith Sound. In 1871 Charles Francis Hall (Hall, Charles Francis), another American, with more luck and a better ship, reached 82°11′ N and charted both sides of the channel to its northern end at the entrance to the Lincoln Sea. Hall himself died during the winter, and his ship, the Polaris, was caught in the ice on the voyage south and drifted to Smith Sound, where it was almost wrecked. A party of 19, including an Inuit mother with a two-month-old baby, became separated from the ship and drifted all winter on an ice floe before being picked up by a whaler off the coast of Labrador in April 1873.

      In 1875–76 a British expedition under Captain George Strong Nares in the Alert and Discovery reached the Lincoln Sea by ship, the Alert wintering near Cape Sheridan on the north coast of Ellesmere Island and the Discovery farther south at Lady Franklin Bay. Sledge parties in the spring traced the coasts of Ellesmere Island and Greenland to Yelverton Bay and Sherard Osborn Fjord, respectively, and one, under Commander Albert Hastings Markham, reached 83°20′ N over the pack ice, a new record northing.

      In the meantime, the Svalbard route was not neglected. In 1869–70 a German expedition under Karl Koldewey in the Germania sailed up the east coast of Greenland to 72°30′ N and traced it by sledge to Cape Bismarck. A second ship, the Hansa, became separated and was crushed in the ice, and the crew drifted south on a floe around Cape Farewell, reaching the settlement of Frederiksdal in safety. Baron Nordenskiöld made two journeys toward the pole from Svalbard, in 1868 by ship and in 1873 by reindeer sledge.

The Fram expedition
 An entirely new approach was tried in 1879 by a U.S. expedition in the Jeannette, led by George Washington De Long (De Long, George Washington). In the belief that Wrangel Island was a large landmass stretching far to the north, De Long hoped to sail north as far as possible along its coast and then sledge to the pole, but his ship was caught in the ice near Herald Island and drifted west for 22 months, passing north of Wrangel Island and revealing its limited extent. The Jeannette sank near the New Siberian Islands, and the crew traveled by boat and sledge to the Lena River delta, where many of them died, including De Long himself. A search expedition under Robert Mallary Berry surveyed Wrangel Island in 1881.

      Wreckage from the Jeannette was found later on the southwest coast of Greenland, having apparently drifted right across the Arctic Ocean. Norwegian explorer Fridtjof Nansen (Nansen, Fridtjof) conceived the daring idea that a ship might be made to do the same, thus providing a base for scientific investigation of the Arctic Ocean and incidentally a means of reaching the pole. In a new vessel, the Fram, specially designed to rise under lateral pressure and so avoid being crushed, Nansen left Norway in 1893 with Otto Sverdrup and sailed into the Kara Sea. Near the place where the Jeannette sank, they drove the Fram into the pack and began a drift that lasted almost three years and ended with the safe release of the vessel north of Svalbard in 1896; a formidable amount of scientific data was collected. Nansen himself left the Fram in 1895 with one companion, Hjalmar Johansen, in an attempt to reach the pole by sledge, starting from 84° N in the longitude of Franz Josef Land and setting a new record of 86°13′ N before having to turn back and winter in Franz Josef Land. In the spring, by a strange and lucky coincidence, he met Frederick Jackson, a British explorer, and returned home in his ship. Jackson was investigating Franz Josef Land as a possible stepping-stone to the pole but, on hearing Nansen's account, gave up the polar attempt. In his three-year stay (1894–97), however, Jackson revolutionized the map of this complicated collection of islands and did a great deal of valuable work.

The race for the pole
 Up to that time, the desire to reach the pole had been coupled with that of mapping unexplored territory and collecting scientific data; after the Fram expedition there was no longer any doubt that the central part of the polar basin was an ice-covered sea and that any land still to be discovered would be peripheral. The race for the pole then degenerated into an international sporting event. Several expeditions, following in Jackson's footsteps, tried to reach the pole from Franz Josef Land. Three were American: Walter Wellman in 1898–99, the Baldwin-Ziegler expedition in 1901–02, and the Fiala-Ziegler expedition in 1903–06. An Italian expedition led by the duke d'Abruzzi set a new record in 1900, when Captain Umberto Cagni reached 86°34′ N.

      American Robert E. Peary (Peary, Robert Edwin) started working toward his polar expeditions in 1891–92 and 1893–95, when he made two long journeys across northwestern Greenland, discovering the largely ice-free Peary Land. In 1898–1902 he laid a large supply cache in Lady Franklin Bay from bases in Smith Sound, sledged around the north coast of Greenland, and reached 84°17′ N from Cape Hecla, Ellesmere Island. In 1905, aided by the expert ice navigation of Captain Bob Bartlett, he sailed in the Roosevelt to Cape Sheridan, near the Alert's old winter quarters, and from Cape Hecla set a new record of 87°06′ N. He also sledged around the north coast of Ellesmere Island, mapping the coast from where Nares had left off. In 1908–09 he returned, and from Cape Columbia in 1909 he set off for the pole and returned claiming to have reached it.

      Just before Peary's return to the United States in September 1909, Frederick A. Cook (Cook, Frederick Albert), an American who had been with Peary in Greenland in 1891–92 and who had spent 1907–09 in the Arctic, announced that he had reached the pole the year before with two Inuit, from the north point of Axel Heiberg Island. The matter aroused considerable controversy, which has continued to the present day. Serious doubts have been raised as to whether either man reached the pole, since neither was able to produce conclusive evidence to support his claim. In addition, many have questioned whether Peary's navigation techniques were adequate to allow him to have known if he had reached it, although he probably came within a few miles of it; Cook's Inuit companions later stated that they had never been out of sight of land—i.e., Ellesmere Island or Axel Heiberg Island.

      In part inspired by the weakness of Peary's and Cook's rival claims, the Russian naval officer Georgy I. Sedov mounted an expedition aiming for the pole in 1912 aboard Svyatoy Foka. The expedition, blocked by ice in the Barents Sea, wintered on the northwest coast of Novaya Zemlya and reached Franz Josef Land only in 1913. Sedov made a forlorn attempt at sledging to the pole from a base at Tikhaya Bay in the southern part of Franz Josef Land in 1914, but he died before even reaching the northern tip of the archipelago.

      The first surface expedition confirmed as having reached the pole was an American effort under Ralph Plaisted, which reached it from northern Ellesmere Island by snowmobile in 1968 (the team was airlifted off the icecap). The following year the British Transarctic Expedition, led by Wally Herbert, was the first to reach the pole by dog team while en route from Point Barrow, Alaska, across the pole to Svalbard. The first ships to visit the pole were the U.S. nuclear submarines Nautilus (1958), which remained submerged, and Skate (1959), which surfaced through the ice. The first surface vessel to reach the pole was the Soviet nuclear icebreaker Arktika, which in 1977 approached from the direction of the New Siberian Islands. The first landing made by an aircraft at (or near) the pole was by the Soviet pilot Mikhail Vasilevich Vodopyanov when he deposited Ivan Dmitrievich Papanin's party at the start of the drift of the first Soviet drifting station, North Pole I, in 1937.

 The first attempt to fly to the pole was made in 1897, when the Swedish scientist Salomon August Andrée and two companions left Spitsbergen in a balloon. They did not return, and their fate did not become known until 1930, when their bodies and diaries were found on Kvit Island. In 1909 Walter Wellman made an unsuccessful attempt by dirigible, and in 1925 Roald Amundsen (Amundsen, Roald), with two Dornier-Wal flying boats, reached 87°44′ N. In May 1926 American Richard E. Byrd (Byrd, Richard E.) and pilot Floyd Bennett (Bennett, Floyd) flew north from Spitsbergen and claimed to have reached the pole before turning back; their claim was cast into doubt after Byrd's diary was discovered in the mid-1990s. Three days later, on May 12, Amundsen, with Lincoln Ellsworth (Ellsworth, Lincoln) and Umberto Nobile (Nobile, Umberto), set off from the same base in a semirigid airship and flew across the pole to Alaska, thus becoming the first to definitively reach the pole as well as the first to traverse the polar region.

Scientific exploration (Earth exploration)
      An important secondary motive in much of the exploration so far discussed was pure scientific curiosity, the desire to add to the general store of knowledge of the world. In 1875 an important proposal for international cooperation in collecting scientific data was made by the German Explorer Karl Weyprecht (Weyprecht, Karl), and the suggestion led to the establishment of the first International Polar Year, 1882–83, during which stations throughout the Arctic took observations and pooled the results. The countries participating were Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Russia, The Netherlands, Germany, Austria, the United States, and Great Britain. The 11 stations, reading eastward from Svalbard, were Isfjord (Ice Fjord), Svalbard; Bossekop, north Norway; Sodankylä, Finland; west coast of Novaya Zemlya; Sagastyr Island, Lena Delta; Point Barrow, Alaska; Great Slave Lake; Lady Franklin Bay, Ellesmere Island; Cumberland Sound, Baffin Island; Godthåb (Nuuk), Greenland; and Jan Mayen Island. A Dutch expedition, scheduled to winter at Dikson at the mouth of the Yenisey River, spent the winter adrift in the ice of the Kara Sea but nevertheless made a useful scientific contribution. In 1932–33 a similar pattern was followed by the second International Polar Year, but with more stations, and the technique was extended to cover the whole world in the International Geophysical Year of 1957–58.

      Starting in 1827 a series of expeditions, most of them Swedish, surveyed the Svalbard archipelago and studied the islands' geology and natural history. Among those who carried out this work were Balthazar Mathias Keilhau, Otto Torell, and Baron Nordenskiöld. Sir Martin Conway crossed the interior of Spitsbergen in 1896–97, and in 1898 Alfred Gabriel Nathorst explored the east coast and adjacent islands. Oceanographic and other work was done by the Dutch in the Willem Barents after 1878, by the prince of Monaco and William Spiers Bruce (1898–1914), and by the Russian admiral Stepan Osipovich Makarov in the icebreaker Yermak (1899). Coal mining was begun in Isfjord at the turn of the 20th century, and this led to further survey activity by Norwegian government expeditions and others. In 1924 a British expedition from the University of Oxford under George Binney was the first scientific expedition to make extensive use of an aircraft.

The Russian Arctic
      Between 1821 and 1824 Fyodor Petrovich Litke of the Russian navy made four voyages to Novaya Zemlya, surveying the west coast and improving the mapping of Matochkin Shar Strait and the White Sea coast, and in 1832–35 Pyotr Kuzmich Pakhtusov surveyed much of the east coast of Novaya Zemlya. In 1880 the Englishman Leigh Smith made the first of two voyages to Franz Josef Land and was the first to sail a ship there under its own power. On his second voyage his ship, the Eira, was nipped by ice and sank. Smith built a hut on the shore and wintered there, surveying the south coast and collecting scientific data. In the spring the party sailed to Novaya Zemlya in small boats. In 1886 and again in 1893 and 1900–02, Baron Eduard von Toll, a Russian explorer, worked in the New Siberian Islands. On the last of these expeditions, he and his men made useful contributions to the exploration and mapping of the northwest coast of the Taymyr Peninsula and of the New Siberian Islands from the successive wintering sites of their ship, Zarya. Toll perished in an attempt to find Sannikov Land, an island reported north of the New Siberian Islands, which, like many similar “lands” in the Arctic, probably does not exist. Some coordinated hydrographic work was done by the Russians in the Barents Sea from 1898 to 1908, in the Kara Sea from 1894 to 1904, and east of Cape Chelyuskin from 1910 to 1915. The major contribution of the Russian navy's icebreakers Taymyr and Vaygach, namely, the discovery of Severnaya Zemlya in 1913, has already been mentioned; but they also discovered Zhokov Island (in the De Long Islands), surveyed hundreds of miles of coastline, and completed thousands of miles of sounding traverses between 1910 and 1915.

      In 1918 Amundsen set out in the Maud to emulate Nansen's drift in the Fram but with the hope of getting into a more northerly latitude by starting the drift nearer to Bering Strait. He took three seasons to sail east through the Northeast Passage, and it was not until 1922 that the Maud began its drift, under the scientific leadership of Harald Ulrik Sverdrup. In two years it was carried back to the New Siberian Islands, duplicating the path of the Jeannette rather than the Fram, but useful scientific work was done throughout both phases of the expedition.

      After the Russian Revolution in 1917, the scale and scope of exploration increased greatly as part of the work of developing the northern sea route. Polar stations, of which five already existed in 1917, increased in number, providing meteorologic, ice reconnaissance, and radio facilities. By 1932 there were 24 stations, by 1948 about 80, and by the 1970s more than 100. The use of icebreakers and, later, aircraft as platforms for scientific work was developed. In 1929 and 1930 the icebreaker Sedov carried groups of scientists to Franz Josef Land and also to Severnaya Zemlya, the last major piece of unsurveyed territory in the Soviet Arctic; the archipelago was completely mapped under Georgy Alekseyevich Ushakov between 1930 and 1932.

      The one-season voyage of the Sibiryakov through the passage in 1932 accomplished much scientific work and was the first to use the route north of Severnaya Zemlya. It gave a further stimulus to developing the sea route, and icebreaker operations to study sea and ice became annual. Particularly worth noting are three cruises of the Sadko, which went farther north than most; in 1935 and 1936 the last unexplored areas in the northern Kara Sea were examined and the little Ushakova Island discovered, and in 1937 the ship was caught in the ice with two others and forced to winter in the Laptev Sea, adding valuable winter observations to the usual summer ones.

      The history of modern Greenland (Kalaallit Nunaat) can be traced to the voyage in 1721 of Hans Egede, a Danish-Norwegian missionary whose aim was to find and reestablish the Norse colonies. He discovered no survivors of the old colonists, but he stayed to found his own settlement at Godthåb (now Nuuk) and to begin the development of the country and its Inuit people that has made Danish Greenland one of the better models of colonial administration.

      Greenland has received a great deal of study. The west and north coasts became fairly well known during the 19th century. The east coast was less easily explored because of severe ice conditions that make it hard to approach by ship. In 1806–13 Karl Ludwig Giesecke, a German mineralogist, used the native umiak (a kayaklike boat) to study the southeast coast, and so did Lieutenant Wilhelm A. Graah in 1829–30. In 1823 Captains Douglas Clavering and Edward Sabine, following in the steps of William Scoresby the year before, carried the survey north to latitude 76° N and took pendulum observations. In 1876 the Danish Committee for the Geographical and Geological Investigation of Greenland was formed, and since then a consistent program of research has been carried out. The gaps in the southeast coast were filled in by naval expeditions under L.A. Mourier (1879), Gustav Holm (1883 and 1885), and C.H. Ryder (1891–92), and the rest by Lieutenant G.C. Amdrup in the Antarctica (1898–1900), the duke d'Orléans in the Belgica (1905), and Ludvig Mylius-Erichsen in the Danmark (1906–08). On the latter expedition, long sledge journeys by J.P. Koch and Mylius-Erichsen traced the entire northeast corner of the island, but Mylius-Erichsen and two companions were lost. The last details were recorded in 1910–12 by Ejnar Mikkelsen, who traced the route followed by Mylius-Erichsen and his companions and found their records. A series of expeditions, known as the Thule Expeditions because they were based on the little trading settlement of Thule (Dundas) in northwestern Greenland, did considerable work in north Greenland between 1912 and 1921 under Knud Rasmussen (Rasmussen, Knud) and Lauge Koch.

      The Greenland ice cap presented a formidable barrier to travelers and at the same time a challenge to both adventurer and scientist. Early attempts to penetrate it from the west coast settlements were made by Edward Whymper in 1867, by Baron Nordenskiöld in 1870 and 1883, by J.A.D. Jensen in 1878, and by Peary in 1886. Peary, the most successful, penetrated 100 miles (160 km) from the coast. In 1888 Fridtjof Nansen (Nansen, Fridtjof) with five companions, using snowshoes and skis, crossed the ice cap from 64°23′ N on the east coast to Godthåb on the west. Peary was the first to cross the northern part, from Inglefield Gulf to Independence Fjord in 1892. Other crossings were made by Knud Rasmussen and by A. de Quervain in 1912, by J.P. Koch in 1913, by Lauge Koch in 1921, and by others.

      In 1930–31 three expeditions, simultaneous but independent, maintained stations on the ice cap throughout the winter, securing meteorologic data vital to the study of world air circulation. They were the British Arctic Air Route Expedition led by H.G. Watkins, the German Greenland Expedition under Alfred Wegener, and the University of Michigan Expedition under W.H. Hobbs. After World War II this work was continued on a larger scale by the French explorer Paul Emile Victor (1947–53) and the British North Greenland Expedition under Commander C.J.W. Simpson (1952–54). Since 1950 numerous core samples have been taken from the Greenland icecap and used to study climatic changes over tens of thousands of years. Two of the deepest, drilled in 1989–92 and 1996–2003, have exceeded depths of 9,800 feet (3,000 metres), the latter reaching 10,121 feet (3,085 metres).

The North American Arctic
      By the beginning of the first Polar Year in 1882, most of the coastlines of the North American Arctic were known except for the islands west of Ellesmere Island and the south and west coasts of Ellesmere. The U.S. Polar Year station at Lady Franklin Bay, in addition to its scientific program, explored a considerable amount of new terrain on Ellesmere Island and reached 83°24′ N on the north coast of Greenland, a record northing at the time. Led by Lieutenant Adolphus Washington Greely (Greely, Adolphus Washington), the expedition set up its station, Fort Conger, in 1881. In 1883, as no supply vessel had arrived, Greely started south in five small boats, according to instruction, and reached Cape Sabine in Smith Sound. There a quite inadequate depot awaited him, together with a record to the effect that the supply ship Proteus had sunk in Kane Basin. After a terrible winter, the survivors—7 from an expedition of 25—were rescued by Captain Winfield Scott Schley in the Thetis.

      Three earlier expeditions by Americans in search of Franklin's records are worth noting. Charles Francis Hall (Hall, Charles Francis), having failed in a plan to reach King William Island by boat from Baffin Island, spent the years 1860–62 in Frobisher Bay, which only then, three centuries after its discovery, was proved not to be a strait; he found interesting relics of Frobisher's visits. From 1864 to 1869 he lived among the Inuit at Repulse Bay and made an overland trip to the south coast of King William Island. In 1878 Lieutenant Frederick Schwatka traveled overland from Hudson Bay and made the first summer search in the area, returning by a remarkable winter journey to Hudson Bay. Franklin's scientific records were not found, nor have any been discovered on subsequent attempts. Further exploration of the interior was carried out by the Geological Survey of Canada, notably by the journeys of Joseph B. Tyrrell, Albert P. Low, and Robert Bell. Between 1884 and 1897 four Canadian-government expeditions studied conditions in Hudson Strait and Hudson Bay with a view to establishing a sea route, and after 1903 a series of voyages into the archipelago by Low and Captain Joseph-Elzéar Bernier visited many of the islands and did some survey and geologic work. Two Germans—Franz Boas, the well-known anthropologist (in 1883–84), and Bernhardt Hantzsch (1909–11)—contributed to the geography of Baffin Island.

      In 1898–1902 a Norwegian scientific expedition in the Fram under Otto Sverdrup did a tremendous amount of work in south and west Ellesmere Island and north Devon Island and discovered three islands to the west—Axel Heiberg Island and the Ringnes Islands. The last gaps in the outline of Ellesmere Island were filled in by Walter Elmer Ekblaw, a geologist and botanist with the Crocker Land Expedition (1913–17) under Donald Baxter MacMillan. Crocker Land, which Peary in 1906 had conjectured to be north of Axel Heiberg Island, proved to be nonexistent; MacMillan failed to find it in a 200-mile (320-km) journey over the ice.

      The last large-scale expedition in the old tradition in the North American Arctic was the Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913–18, led by Vilhjalmur Stefansson (Stefansson, Vilhjalmur). It was divided into two parties, of which the southern one, under Rudolf Martin Anderson, did survey and scientific work on the north mainland coast from Alaska to Coronation Gulf and in southern Victoria Island, while the northern traveled extensively in the northwest, discovering the last remaining islands in that area. Stefansson, a magnificent hunter, successfully adopted Inuit methods and was able to travel long distances by living off the land, avoiding the necessity of carrying large quantities of supplies. In 1921–24 the fifth Danish Thule Expedition under Rasmussen worked in Melville Peninsula and Baffin Island, and Rasmussen journeyed overland to King William Island and on to Alaska, studying the Inuit. In the 1930s a number of British expeditions under Noel Humphreys, J.M. Wordie, and T.H. Manning worked in the Canadian Arctic; Manning completed the mapping of the west coast of Baffin Island, the last major gap on the map of Canada. The last new land, however, was not added until 1948, when a Royal Canadian Air Force photo-survey aircraft found three islands in Foxe Basin—one of them, Prince Charles Island, about 3,500 square miles (9,100 square km) in area.

      The exploration of Alaska after its purchase by the United States in 1867 proceeded slowly at first but later at a rapid speed. Coastal surveys by the Coast and Geodetic Survey were started immediately; among others, inland journeys were made by I. Petrof (1880); by Frederick Schwatka (1883) and H.T. Allen (1885), both of the U.S. cavalry; and by G.M. Stoney, U.S. Navy (1883–85), one of whose party made the first overland journey to Point Barrow. After the Yukon gold strike of 1897, the U.S. Geological Survey began a large-scale systematic study of all Alaska that has continued along with work in other fields of natural science. Outstanding in the early days of the project were A.H. Brooks, chief geologist of the Geological Survey in Alaska, 1903–17, and E. de K. Leffingwell, who worked on the North Coastal Plain between 1906 and 1914.

      It is a comment on the unimportance of the North Pole as an incentive to exploration that hardly any of the real exploration of the Arctic Ocean can be credited to the pole seekers. The great exception is Nansen (Nansen, Fridtjof), whose work in the Fram stood alone until the 1930s; but, although Nansen made a bid to reach the pole, his primary aim was rather to study the waters and bottom contours of the Arctic Ocean and the drift of the ice and to find out whether there were new lands still to be discovered in the centre of the polar basin. In accord with popular opinion, Nansen expected to find only shallow water in the North Polar Basin. In reality, soundings gave depths ranging from about 11,000 to 13,000 feet (3,300 to 4,000 metres), which showed that there was a deep basin under at least part of the North Polar Sea. These deep soundings mark the true discovery of the Arctic Ocean.

      The advent of the airplane revolutionized exploration techniques. Following the polar flights of Byrd and Amundsen, George Hubert (later Sir Hubert) Wilkins and Carl Ben Eielson made the first flight by airplane across the Arctic Ocean in 1928, from Point Barrow to Svalbard, and in 1937 two long-distance transpolar flights were made by Soviet flyers, Valery Pavlovich Chkalov and Mikhail Mikhailovich Gromov. A third Soviet flight in the same year made a large but tragic contribution to exploration. A four-engined aircraft piloted by Sigizmund Aleksandrovich Levanevsky disappeared in the Arctic Ocean and set in motion a large-scale, though unsuccessful, search that covered vast areas hitherto unexplored and added tremendously to flying experience.

      Also in 1937 the U.S.S.R. set up the first floating scientific station, using four-engined aircraft based on Franz Josef Land to land a four-man party under Papanin at the North Pole in late May. The station, now known as North Pole 1, drifted south for nine months and was taken off its melting ice floe in the Greenland Sea. In the same year, the icebreaker Georgy Sedov (originally the Newfoundland sealing steamer Beothic), under the command of Konstantin Sergeyevich Badigin, was caught in the ice in the Laptev Sea and began a 27-month drift across the Arctic basin that almost duplicated that of the Fram and yielded useful comparative data. In 1941 an aircraft carrying a team of scientists made three landings on the ice at about 80° N, 175° E.

      After World War II, scientific work in the Arctic Ocean increased greatly; today there remain no unexplored areas. After 1947 the United States carried out routine weather-reporting flights over the Arctic Ocean from Alaska and used icebreakers and aircraft to conduct oceanographic work in the Beaufort Sea. In 1952 a weather station was established on the ice island T-3; it was maintained for two years and was reoccupied briefly in 1955 and on a more permanent basis as an International Geophysical Year station in 1957. From that time there was continuous occupation of stations, usually two at any given time.

      The Russians explored the Arctic Ocean on a large scale by means of floating scientific stations and extensive airborne expeditions that made numerous landings on the ice to take observations. Station North Pole 2 was established in 1950 north of Wrangel Island and was maintained for one year. After 1954 a continuous succession of stations, generally two at a time, were each occupied for one or two years or longer, until they drifted into a region where they either ceased to be of interest or joined the drift to the Greenland Sea. The last of these, North Pole 31, operated from 1988 to 1991.

      The discovery phase of Arctic exploration is over; there is no longer any possibility of finding new lands. Photo surveys have provided reasonably accurate maps, and improved aircraft and base facilities are making the once formidable “frigid zone” increasingly accessible; commercial airlines fly across the North Pole. The bed of the Arctic Ocean has been the subject of increasingly intensive studies since 1970. For example, it was one of many objectives of the Arctic Ice Dynamics Joint Experiment (AIDJEX), a collaborative effort between Canadian and American scientists. After several pilot projects, during the main experiment in 1975 four manned stations drifted for 15 months in the Beaufort Sea. Subsequently, the nature and configuration of the seabed was the main objective of two multidisciplinary Canadian expeditions, which involved the establishment and occupation of temporary stations on the sea ice in locations chosen so that the drift of the ice would take them across features on the seabed of particular interest. These were LOREX 79 (Lomonosov Ridge Experiment, 1979) and CESAR 83 (Canadian Expedition to Study the Alpha Ridge), mounted in April–May 1983. More recently, a considerable amount of research has focused on the relationship between the Arctic regions and global warming and climate change. Much of this work has been coordinated by the Arctic System Science program of the U.S. National Science Foundation.

Moira Dunbar William Barr Ed.

Additional Reading

General works
Appealing, broad, and beautifully illustrated surveys of the region are offered in Fred Bruemmer et al., The Arctic World (1985), a descriptive work; and Steven B. Young, To the Arctic: An Introduction to the Far Northern World (1989), a more scholarly guide focusing on natural history. State-of-the-art writing on all aspects of Arctic research, of various levels of sophistication, is found in such periodicals as Arctic (quarterly), a journal of the Arctic Institute of North America; Arctic Science, Engineering, and Education Awards (annual), published by the National Science Foundation of the United States; and Polar Record (quarterly). The region is also considered in special thematic issues of various publications, as in “The Arctic Ocean,” a separate issue of the quarterly Oceanus, vol. 29, no.1 (Spring 1986).Ned Allen Ostenso

The land
David Sugden, Arctic and Antarctic: A Modern Geographical Synthesis (1982), offers a general introduction to the geography of the polar lands. Axel Somme (ed.), A Geography of Norden: Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, new ed. (1968), is a broad regional geography; and a particular region is studied in Clyde Wahrhaftig, Physiographic Divisions of Alaska (1965); and Howel Williams (ed.), Landscapes of Alaska: Their Geologic Evolution (1958).R.J. Fulton (ed.), Quaternary Geology of Canada and Greenland (1989), discusses relief geology, with relevant chapters discussing the ice-free areas and inland ice of Greenland and the characteristics of the Queen Elizabeth Islands. William L. Graf (ed.), Geomorphic Systems of North America (1987), is a study of the landforms of northern countries, including the Arctic Lowlands of Canada and Alaska; and A.A. Velichko, H.E. Wright, Jr., and C.W. Barnosky (eds.), Late Quaternary Environments of the Soviet Union, trans. from Russian (1984), features relevant regional information scattered in several chapters. Soils, drainage, and glaciation are discussed in J. Ross Mackay, “The World of Underground Ice,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 62(1):1–22 (March 1972); Peter J. Williams and Michael W. Smith, The Frozen Earth (1989); H.M. French, The Periglacial Environment (1976); and Jack D. Ives and Roger G. Barry (eds.), Arctic and Alpine Environments (1974), examining physical environments, the biota, humans' reaction to and impact on them, and the northern climates. Climatic data on the Arctic are found in S. Orvig (ed.), Climates of the Polar Regions (1970); and Jean M. Grove, The Little Ice Age (1988).Barry Lopez, Arctic Dreams: Imagination and Desire in a Northern Landscape (1986), is an accurate though imaginative survey of natural history. Bryan Sage et al., The Arctic & Its Wildlife (1986), presents a well-illustrated survey of the environment. Nicholas Polunin, Introduction to Plant Geography and Some Related Sciences (1960), includes a chapter on plant life in cold climates. Other texts that discuss the Arctic biome include M.J. Dunbar, Ecological Development in Polar Regions: A Study in Evolution (1968); Bernard Stonehouse, Animals of the Arctic: The Ecology of the Far North (1971); Fred Bruemmer, Arctic Animals: A Celebration of Survival (1987); and Rita A. Horner (ed.), Sea Ice Biota (1985).J. Brian Bird Maxwell John Dunbar

The people
Nelson H.H. Graburn and B. Stephen Strong, Circumpolar Peoples: An Anthropological Perspective (1973), provides a good general introduction. William W. Fitzhugh and Aron Crowell (eds.), Crossroads of Continents: Cultures of Siberia and Alaska (1988), is a beautifully illustrated exhibition volume on peoples and customs on both sides of the Bering Strait.Useful collections of articles of diverse relevant topics include Gösta Berg (ed.), Circumpolar Problems: Habitat, Economy, and Social Relations in the Arctic (1973); R.St.J. Macdonald (ed.), The Arctic Frontier (1966); and Ludger Müller-Wille et al. (eds.), Consequences of Economic Change in Circumpolar Regions (1978). Political struggles of northern indigenous minorities are discussed in Noel Dyck (ed.), Indigenous Peoples and the Nation-State: ‘Fourth World' Politics in Canada, Australia, and Norway (1985); and Jens Brøsted et al. (eds.), Native Power: The Quest for Autonomy and Nationhood of Indigenous Peoples (1985).Two early classics of circumpolar anthropology are A. Irving Hallowell, “Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere,” American Anthropologist, new series, 28(1):1–175 (1926); and Waldemar Bogoras, “Elements of the Culture of the Circumpolar Zone,” American Anthropologist, new series, 31(4):579–601 (1929). Gutorm Gjessing, Circumpolar Stone Age (1944), is a concise archaeological study. Later anthropological research includes Kwang Chih Chang, “A Typology of Settlement and Community Patterns in Some Circumpolar Societies,” Arctic Anthropology 1(1):28–41 (1962); Kerstin Eidlitz Kuoljok, Food and Emergency Food in the Circumpolar Area (1969); and David Riches, Northern Nomadic Hunter-Gatherers: A Humanistic Approach (1982), a rather technical comparative analysis of subsistence, territoriality, leadership, and social change in northern circumpolar societies. Books that examine reindeer/caribou economies and the transition between hunting and pastoralism are Åke Hultkrantz and Ørnulf Vorren (eds.), The Hunters: Their Culture and Way of Life (1982); and Tim Ingold, Hunters, Pastoralists, and Ranchers: Reindeer Economies and Their Transformations (1980).

Eastern Arctic cultures
The standard and most comprehensive survey of the peoples and cultures of northern Siberia is M.G. Levin and L.P. Potapov (eds.), The Peoples of Siberia (1964; originally published in Russian, 1956); Ronald Wixman, The Peoples of the USSR: An Ethnographic Handbook (1984), offers a comprehensive directory of all minority peoples of the U.S.S.R., with data for each on ethnic origin, language, population, religion, and location. M.A. Czaplicka, Aboriginal Siberia: A Study in Social Anthropology (1914, reprinted 1969), is a four-part overview of ethnogeography, sociology, religion, and pathology, informative though somewhat dated.There are many studies of particular cultures. Useful introductory surveys on the Sami include Ørnulf Vorren and Ernst Manker, Lapp Life and Customs (1962; originally published in Norwegian, 1957); Israel Ruong, The Lapps in Sweden, trans. from Swedish (1967); and Karl Nickul, The Lappish Nation: Citizens of Four Countries (1977). Eino Siuruainen and Pekka Aikio, The Lapps in Finland: The Population, Their Livelihood, and Their Culture (1977); and Hugh Beach, The Saami of Lapland (1988), are short reviews with a focus on contemporary issues. Specific Sami groups are studied in Tim Ingold, The Skolt Lapps Today (1976); Ian Whitaker, Social Relations in a Nomadic Lappish Community (1955); and Hugh Beach, Reindeer-Herd Management in Transition: The Case of Tuorpon Saameby in Northern Sweden (1981).Much less is available on Siberian indigenous peoples. On the Chukchi, there is a classic masterpiece of early ethnography, Waldemar Bogoras, The Chukchee, 4 vol. (1904–09, reprinted in 1 vol., 1975). The same author also wrote on the Yupik: The Eskimo of Siberia (1913, reprinted 1975). Waldemar Jochelson, The Koryak (1908, reprinted 1975), The Yukaghir and the Yukaghirized Tungus (1926, reprinted 1975), and The Yakut (1933), are equally fine works from the same period of scholarship. A classic study of the Yakut is A.P. Okladnikov, Yakutia Before Its Incorporation into the Russian State (1970, originally published in Russian, 2nd ed., 1955). On the Evenk, there are two magnificent ethnographic works, S.M. Shirokogoroff, Social Organization of the Northern Tungus (1929, reprinted 1979), and Psychomental Complex of the Tungus (1935, reprinted 1980). On the Nenets, the classic text is Péter Hajdú, The Samoyed Peoples and Languages, 2nd rev. ed., trans. from Hungarian (1968); on the Nganasan, A.A. Popov, The Nganasan: The Material Culture of the Tavgi Samoyeds (1966; originally published in Russian, 1948); and on the Selkups, Kai Donner, Among the Samoyeds in Siberia (1954; originally published in Swedish, 1915).Special focus on physical anthropology is provided in Henry N. Michael (ed.), Studies in Siberian Ethnogenesis (1962); and M.G. Levin, Ethnic Origins of the Peoples of Northeastern Asia, ed. by Henry N. Michael (1963). Religious traditions of the northern peoples are explored in Vilmos Diószegi (ed.), Popular Beliefs and Folklore Tradition in Siberia, trans. from Hungarian (1968); Henry N. Michael (ed.), Studies in Siberian Shamanism (1963); and Mihály Hoppál (ed.), Shamanism in Eurasia, 2 vol. (1984).Tim Ingold

American Arctic cultures
William C. Sturtevant (ed.), Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 5, Arctic, ed. by David Damas (1984), is by far the single most important and comprehensive source, with more than 50 articles covering environment, prehistory, physique, language, and the ethnography of specific groups from Greenland to the far western Aleutian Islands and Siberia. William S. Laughlin and Albert B. Harper (eds.), The First Americans: Origins, Affinities, and Adaptations (1979), explores physical anthropology of American Indians, with a heavy focus on Arctic peoples, including Eskimo and Aleuts. Robert McGhee, Ancient People of the Arctic (1996), presents the earliest history of the Canadian Eskimo, from the Arctic Small Tool tradition to the Thule culture. J. Louis Giddings, Ancient Men of the Arctic (1967, reissued 1985), is an archaeological study of the major progression of prehistoric cultures in the Bering Strait region. Don E. Dumond, The Eskimos and Aleuts, rev. ed. (1987), is a later synthesis of the archaeology and prehistory of all Eskimo and Aleuts, more technical than Giddings. Kaj Birket-Smith, Eskimos, trans. from Danish, rev. ed. (1971), offers a wide-ranging summary of characteristics of the Eskimo (not Aleut) peoples generally, including religion, though the chapter on origins is out of date. Wendell H. Oswalt, Eskimos and Explorers (1979), recounts the earliest known contacts with Eskimo groups by Europeans, from Greenland to western Alaska, excluding the Aleutian Islands and Siberia, and provides fairly standard, if sometimes arguable, early population estimates.Diamond Jenness, Eskimo Administration, 5 vol. (1962–68), comprehensively summarizes government relationships with Eskimo peoples throughout the region from the first contact. Michael E. Krauss, “Eskimo-Aleut,” pp. 796–902, in William Bright et al. (eds.), Linguistics in North America, vol. 2 (1973), outlines the language family and its internal relationships, and the same author's Alaska Native Languages: Past, Present, and Future (1980), summarizes the contemporary position of the native languages and includes remarks on the Eskimo languages in Siberia. Robert Fortuine, Chills and Fever: Health and Disease in the Early History of Alaska (1989), is an examination of the health of Alaskan natives, including Eskimo, before and after contact with Europeans. Ernest S. Burch, Jr., The Eskimos (1988), is a general survey of life, illustrated with striking photographs of art and artifacts. Dorothy Jean Ray, Eskimo Art: Tradition and Innovation in North Alaska (1977), and Aleut and Eskimo Art: Tradition and Innovation in South Alaska (1981), provide a comprehensive treatment of traditional and later art. George Swinton, Sculpture of the Eskimo (1972), describes the development of modern Eskimo soapstone sculpture in Canada.Discussions of particular native groups include Diamond Jenness, The People of the Twilight (1928, reissued 1959), an account of an ethnographer's experiences with Copper Eskimo in the early 20th century; Norman A. Chance, The Iñupiat and Arctic Alaska: An Ethnography of Development (1990), an ethnographer's examination of the people, with the analysis of the growing institutional and other pressures associated with modernization during the 1950s through the '80s; Richard K. Nelson, Hunters of the Northern Ice (1969), a description of ocean-edge subsistence practices of the Inupiat of Wainwright, Alaska, in both winter and summer; Jean L. Briggs, Never in Anger: Portrait of an Eskimo Family (1970), an account of experience and emotional life among a little-contacted group of Netsilik (Central Eskimo) in the 1960s; William W. Fitzhugh et al., Inua: Spirit World of the Bering Sea Eskimo (1982), published as an exhibition catalog, the significant text discussing the people with close attention to their material culture; Lydia T. Black, Atka: An Ethnohistory of the Western Aleutians (1984), a work on the people of the little-known western Aleutian Islands, drawing heavily on Russian sources; William S. Laughlin, Aleuts, Survivors of the Bering Land Bridge (1980), a concise anthropological work; R.G. Liapunova, Aleuty: ocherki etnicheskoĭ istorii (1987), a comprehensive account of Aleut culture and ethnohistory; Jean Malaurie, The Last Kings of Thule: With the Polar Eskimos, as They Face Their Destiny (1982; originally published in French, 1955), a first-person account of an ethnographer's experiences with the Thule Eskimo (Inuit) of northern Greenland, bringing their life into the modern world; Wendell H. Oswalt, Bashful No Longer: An Alaskan Eskimo Ethnohistory, 1778–1988 (1990), a study of the Kuskokwim River region Eskimos of Alaska; and Rick Bass, Caribou Rising: Defending the Porcupine Herd, Gwich-'in Culture, and the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (2004).With some 20 books, the most prolific scholar of the American Arctic during the late 20th and early 21st century may be Ann Fienup-Riordan; much of her work features Yupik collaborators or translations of Yupik-language folklore and history. A sample includes Ann Fienup-Riordan, The Nelson Island Eskimo: Social Structure and Ritual Distribution (1983), her first book; Eskimo Essays: Yupik Lives and How We See Them (1990); Hunting Tradition in a Changing World: Yup'ik Lives in Alaska Today (2000); and Yuungnaqpiallerput / The Way We Genuinely Live: Masterworks of Yup'ik Science and Survival (2007).Don E. Dumond

The economy
National Foreign Assessment Center, Polar Regions Atlas (1978), offers useful information for understanding the economic and strategic importance of the region. Patrick D. Baird, The Polar World (1964, reissued 1971), is a broad physical and economic geography; as is the later work by Terence Armstrong, George Rogers, and Graham Rowley, The Circumpolar North: A Political and Economic Geography of the Arctic and Sub-Arctic (1978). Thomas R. Berger, Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland: The Report of the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, rev. ed. (1988), discusses the environmental and economic significance of the territory. Gail Osherenko and Oran R. Young, The Age of the Arctic: Hot Conflicts and Cold Realities (1989), merges the analysis of economic conditions and strategic politics. Robert Page, Northern Development: The Canadian Dilemma (1986), explores the social and economic problems of the Canadian north. Ben C. Gerwick (ed.), Arctic Ocean Engineering for the 21st Century (1985), collects papers on special engineering systems, transportation, management of natural and material resources, and environmental considerations. S.V. Slavin, The Soviet North: Present Development and Prospects (1972; originally published in Russian, 1972), is a concise textbook providing information on Soviet circumpolar industries. Thomas R. Berger, Village Journey: The Report of the Alaska Native Review Commission (1985), discusses land tenure problems and relevant government activities. Clive Archer and David Scrivener (eds.), Northern Waters: Security and Resource Issues (1986), links the questions of economic resources and international relations in the North Atlantic. Edgar Dosman (ed.), Sovereignty and Security in the Arctic (1989), examines international relations in view of strategic considerations; as does Walter Goldstein (ed.), Clash in the North: Polar Summitry and NATO's Northern Flank (1988). Franklyn Griffiths (ed.), Politics of the Northwest Passage (1987), discusses political and economic aspects of territorial waters, boundaries, and shipping in the Arctic Archipelago and their impact on Canada. William E. Westermeyer and Kurt M. Shusterich (eds.), United States Arctic Interests: The 1980s and 1990s (1984), addresses the strategic importance of the region as a whole.Terence Edward Armstrong

Study and exploration
The literature on Arctic exploration and discovery falls into two streams: one devoted to the effort of the Russian and Soviet explorers and the other describing the multinational or international effort. William Barr, “First Ship to Round Mys Chelyuskina?” The Musk-Ox, 14:30–36 (1974), is a brief discussion of a probability of early 17th-century attempts of sailing the Northeast Passage, and his “Baron Eduard von Toll's Last Expedition: The Russian Polar Expedition, 1900–1903,” Arctic, 34(3):201–224 (September 1981), is an account of a major turn-of-the-century Russian expedition. L.M. Starokadomskiy, Charting the Russian Northern Sea Route: The Arctic Ocean Hydrographic Expedition 1910–1915 (1976; originally published in Russian, 1946; 3rd Russian ed., 1959), is a detailed examination of Imperial Russia's final attempt to survey the Northeast Passage. Terence E. Armstrong, The Northern Sea Route: Soviet Exploitation of the North East Passage (1952), although somewhat dated, is the standard source on the history of the development of the Northern Sea Route until World War II. William Barr, “The Voyage of Sibiryakov, 1932,” Polar Record, 19(120):253–266 (1978), recounts the first successful one-season completion of the voyage through the entire Northern Sea Route, while his “Severnaya Zemlya: The Last Major Discovery,” The Geographical Journal, 141(1):59–71 (March 1975), surveys the discovery and exploration of the last major landmass on the globe. Terence E. Armstrong, The Russians in the Arctic: Aspects of Soviet Exploration and Exploitation of the Far North, 1937–1957 (1958, reissued 1972), examines selected aspects of the history of exploration of the Russian Arctic during the period around World War II, and his “The Northeast Passage as a Commercial Waterway,” Ymer, 1980:86–129 (1980), surveys the hundred years of exploration and exploitation of the route on the centenary of the Vega's pioneer through passage. Istoriia otkrytiia i osvoeniia Severnogo Morskogo Puti, 4 vol. (1956–69), is a massive historical summary that covers Arctic navigation from earliest times until the middle of the 19th century, continues the study of the period of industrial development in Russia and its impact on Arctic exploitation, surveys pre-World War II Soviet Arctic navigation, and concludes with the study of the preparation and conduct of World War II in the Arctic. Lawson W. Brigham (ed.), The Soviet Maritime Arctic (1991), presents an up-to-date treatment of historical, environmental, economic, legal, and geopolitical aspects of Soviet Arctic waters.Samuel E. Morison, The European Discovery of America, vol. 1, The Northern Voyages, A.D. 500–1600 (1971), discusses all early searches for the Northwest Passage prior to 1600. Alan Cooke and Clive Holland, The Exploration of Northern Canada, 500 to 1920 (1978), offers detailed reference information in chronological arrangement. Glyndwr Williams, The British Search for the Northwest Passage in the Eighteenth Century (1962), is an excellent account of little-known 18th-century efforts. Louis Rey et al. (eds.), Unveiling the Arctic (1984), is a collection of papers on 18th-century travels to the Arctic and their recorders. Pierre Berton, The Arctic Grail: The Quest for the North West Passage and the North Pole, 1818–1909 (1988), is a good popular history. Patricia D. Sutherland (ed.), The Franklin Era in Canadian Arctic History, 1845–1859 (1985); and Richard J. Cyriax, Sir John Franklin's Last Arctic Expedition: A Chapter in the History of the Royal Navy (1939), examine Franklin's searches, interpret his fate, and evaluate the Arctic environment at the time. William Barr, The Expeditions of the First International Polar Year, 1882–83 (1985), offers a detailed treatment of all 14 expeditions of this pioneer initiative in polar science. Wally Herbert, The Noose of Laurels: The Discovery of the North Pole (1989), presents an expert analysis of the probability of either Cook or Peary having reached the North Pole. Roald Amundsen, The Amundsen Photographs, ed. by Roland Huntford (1987), offers visual imagery to accompany the other accounts of the Arctic explorations. Farley Mowat, Ordeal by Ice (1961), The Polar Passion (1967), and Tundra (1973), also published together as The Top of the World, 3 vol. (1973, reprinted 1989), provide an excellent summary-introduction to the history of exploration of the Canadian Arctic, with lengthy excerpts from firsthand accounts. Nancy Fogelson, Arctic Exploration & International Relations, 1900–1932 (1992), focuses particularly on American-Canadian relations.William Barr Ed.

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Universalium. 2010.


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  • Arctic — Arc tic, a. [OE. artik, OF. artique, F. arctique, L. arcticus, fr. Gr. ?, fr. ? a bear, also a northern constellation so called; akin to L. ursus bear, Skr. ?ksha.] Pertaining to, or situated under, the northern constellation called the Bear;… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • arctic — [ärk′tik, är′tik] adj. [ME artik < OFr artique < L arcticus < Gr arktikos, lit., of the (constellation of the) Bear (Gr arktos), northern, arctic] 1. of, characteristic of, or near the North Pole or the region around it 2. very cold;… …   English World dictionary

  • Arctic — ► ADJECTIVE 1) relating to the regions around the North Pole. 2) living or growing in such regions. 3) (arctic) informal (of weather) very cold. ► NOUN (the Arctic) ▪ the regions around the North Pole. ORIGIN …   English terms dictionary

  • Arctic — Arc tic, n. 1. The arctic circle. [1913 Webster] 2. A warm waterproof overshoe. [U.S.] [1913 Webster] …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

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